1. Introduction
Except certain adverbs like angku `there', ingku `here', and engku `where', other adverbs are different forms of nouns and verbs. They are produced as the function and/or meanings of the nouns and verbs and their inflected forms are changed and a few are lexicalized as adverbial suffixes. As this is the case, adverbs can be considered as a secondary formation due to change in the function of the inflected and non-inflected forms of nouns and verbs and not as a separate class of words. One can raise doubt about the productivity in the formation of adverbs too. A better understanding of the adverbial formation can be evolved by analysing the words declared as adverbs in dictionaries. With this in mind an attempt is made here to pick out the adverbs lited in kiriyaavin taRkaalat tamizh akraaati (KTTA) and analyse them so as to get a clear picture of the adverbial formation. A taxonomy of adverbial forms will be aimed at in order to stream line our understanding of the adverbial formation.
Adverbs cannot be identified by their shape. That is, they cannot be identified by their morphemic structure. There is no special suffix which can tell us that a particular form is an adverb and nor there is any particular inflection meant only for adverbs. Only syntactic features can tell whether a particular form is an adverb or not. But even here, the line of demarcation between certain inflected forms of nouns and adverbs as well as that between inflected forms of verbs and adverbs is blurred.
One may have to look into adverbs form the diachronic point of view. Advebs can be broadly divided into two: unanalysable and analysable adverbs. ndeeRRu `yesterday', ndaaLai `tomorrow' can be given as examples of the former type and ipootu `now', appootu `at that time' can be given as examples of the latter type. Even neeRRu `yesterday' and ndaaLai `tomorrow' can be further broken down, but that will be moving towards etymology, which is not our intention.
2. Taxonomy of formation of adverbs
The following is the taxonomy of the formation of adverbs.
1. Adverbs not formed from nonfinite forms of verbs
a. Adverbs formed from casal forms of nouns
b. Adverbs which are not casal forms of nouns
2. Adverbs formed from nonfinite forms of verbs
2.1. Adverbs not formed from non-finite forms of verbs
2.1.1. Adverbs formed from casal forms of nouns
Certain sets of nouns, which are inflected form cases, get lexicalized as adverbs. They can be classified into 5 types based on the case suffixes.
1. adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix ukku
2. adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix ooTu
3. adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix uTan
4. adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix il
5. adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix aal
2.1.1.1. Adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix -ukku
There are simple as well as compounds. Following are the sub types of this formation.
1. noun + ukku > adverb
appootai + ukku > appootaikku 'at they time'
ammaTtu + ukku > ammaTTukku 'that much'
anRai 'that day' + kku > anRaikku 'that day'
ippootai `at this time' + ukku > ippootaikku `now'
inRai + ukku > inRaikku 'today'
peyar `name' + ukku > peyarukku `for name sake'
tarmam + ukku > tarmattiRku 'free of cost'
2. N + N + ukku
cakaTTu + meeni + ukku > cakaTtu meenikku 'excessively'
tan + camayam + ukku > taRcamattiRku 'immediately'
peyar + aLavu `measure' + ukku > peyar aLavukku `for name sake'
3. Adj + N + ukku
oor + aLavu + ukku > ooraLavukku '
oru + peeccu + ukku > oru peeccukku
4. ceytu of verbal participial form + N + ukku
keTTa + keeTu + ukku > keTTa keeTTukku
kaNTa + meeni + ukku > kaNTameenikku
The lexical items inflected for dative ukku appear have been reconstituted as adverbs as they are assigned new function as adverbs. Not all the forms which are inflected for dative ukku do not function as adverbs. But it can be stated that the dative inflected forms are capable of being reconstituted as adverbs when the formation leads to meaning change.
2.1.1.2. Adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix ooTu
A few nouns, both simple and compounded, inflected for the case suffix ooTu have been lexicalized as adverbs as they have assigned themselves adverbial function.
1. Noun + ooTu > adverb
aTi `foot'+ ooTu > aTiyooTu `completely'
1. Adj + N + ooTu > adverb
muzhu `full' + manam `mind' + ooTu > muzhumanattooTu `whole heartedly'
ooTu as a case suffix denote different case relations depending on the context
1. Accompaniment
avan tan manaviyooTu cenRaan 'He went with his wife'
2. Association
avan peenaavooTu puttakam vaangkinaan 'He bought a book along withe a pen'
2. Conjoining
avan toocaiyooTu cappattiyum caappiTTaan 'He ate tosai along with chapatti'
3. Place: path
avan teruvooTu ndaTandtaan 'He walked along the road'
4. Inclusion
ciittirai maatattooTu tamizh aaNTu toTangkukiRatu
'Tamil years starts with/from Cittirai month'
5. Limitation
raamanukku oru kuzhandtaiyooTu cari
'Raman has only one child'
The examples taken form KTTA shows that certain nouns inflected for the case suffix get lexicalized as adverbs due to their idiosyncratic meaning. As change of meaning can lead to change of grammatical function, ooTu inflected nouns are capable of being lexicalized as adverbs if they attain idiosyncratic meaning.
2.1.1.3. Adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix uTan
A few nouns inflected for uTan ‘with’ inflected have been lexicalized as adverbs as they have assigned themselves adverbial function.
1. N + N + uTan
meeLam `drum' + taaLam `beatings' + uTan > meeLataaLattuTan `with pom and show'
2. Adj + N + uTan
muzhu `full' + muccu `breath' + uTan > muzhumuccuTan 'with full effort'
uTan, like ooTu gives sociative meaning.
avaL tan kaNavanuTan uurukkuc cenRaan
'She went to the village along with her husband'
The uTan-inflected forms listed in KTTA as adverbs are lexicalized as they have attained idiosyncratic meaning by assigning themselves adverbial function. uTan-inflected form appear to be not a productive source for the formation of adverbs.
2.1.1.4. Adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix il
Many il-inflected nominal forms have been listed as adverbs in KTTA as they have attained idiosyncratic meaning by assigning themselves adverbial function.
1. N + il
camayam `time' + il > camattil `in time'
ndeer 'straight' + il > ndeeril ' in person'
caarpu 'leaning' + il > caarpil '
veLi 'ouside' + il > veLiyil 'outside'
2. N1 + N2 + il
kaalam `time' + pookku `passing' + il > kaalappookkil 'in course of time'
turitam 'quickness' + kati 'pace' + il > turitakatiyil 'at a fast pace'
kuuTiya `to be possible' + viraivu `speed' + il > kuuTiyaviraivil `as soon as possible'
ndaTu 'centre' + vazhi 'way' > ndaTuvazhyil 'midway'
peyar 'name' + aLavu 'qunantity' > peyaraLavil 'in name only'
3. Adj + N + il
oru 'one' + vakai 'type' + il > oruvakaiyil 'from one angle'
oru 'one' + vitam 'type' + il > oruvitattil 'in a way'
perum 'great' + aLavu 'quantity' + il > perumaLavil 'to a great extetnt'
muzhu 'full + viiccu 'swing' + il > muzhuviccil 'in full swing'
6. Adj + ee + N + il
oru 'one' + ee + muuccu 'breath' + il > oreemuuccil 'by one stretch'
7. N1 + aam + N1 + il
kaalam 'time' + aam + kaalam 'time' + il > kaalaakalattil 'in time'
8. N1 + aam + N2 + il
ndaaL 'day' + aam + vaTTam 'circle' + il > ndaaLaavaTTattil ' in course of time'
9. ceyta type of relative participle form + its vebal noun + il
eTutta 'that which is taken + eTuppu 'taking' + il > eTutta eTuppil 'straight away'
10. N1 + ceyta type of relative participial form + N1 + il
ndeeram 'time' + keTTa 'bad' + ndeeram 'time' + il > ndeeram keTTa ndeerattil '
il is a locative case suffix. It gives different sense based on its collocation with nouns and verbs. It denotes location in space and time.
1. Location in space
kaNNan ndaaRkaaliyil uTkaarndaan
'Kannan sat in the chair'
2. Location in time
kaNNan oru vaarattil varuvaan
'Kannan will come in a week'
3. Extension of time
kaNnan oru vaarattil puttakam paTittaan
'Kannan read the book in a weeks time'
kaNNan aangkilattil peecinaan
'Kannan talked in English'
The il-suffixed forms listed in KTTA are lexicalized forms. As the number of such forms are in considerable number it can be presumed that il-suffixed forms are capable of being lexicalized as adverbs if they attain idiosyncratic meaning by assuming adverbial function.
2.1.1.5. Adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix aal
A few nouns inflected for aal are listed in KTTA as adverbs as they assume adverbial function due to their presumed idiosyncratic meaning.
1. N + aal
peyar `name' + aal > peyaraal 'by means of name'
2. N + N + aal
candtarppam `chance' + vacam `side' + aal > cantarppavacattaal 'due to circumstance'
aal to assume different casal relations based on its collocation with nouns and verbs.
1. Instrument
avan pazhattai kattiyaal veTTinaan 'He cut the fruit by knife'
2. Material
avan marattaal meejai ceytaan 'He made the table with wood'
3. Reason
mazhai peytataal kuLangkaL nirampina 'The ponds are filled as it rained'
Only few aal suffixed forms have been listed in KTTA as adverbs. So the possibility of aal-suffixed forms becoming adverbs appears to be less compared to il-suffixed froms.
2.1.2. Adverbs formed by other process
The items which can be listed under this heading can be further classified into ten groups:
1. Adverbs from adding a set of nominal forms which denotes place, time and manner
2. Adverbs from mun/pin
3. Adverbs from forms suffixed by meel
4. Adverbs formed from forms suffixed by varai
5. Adverbs from forms suffixed by ee
6. Adverbs from forms suffixed by um
7. Adverbs from forms suffixed by ellaam
8. Adverbs from reduplicated nouns
2.1.2.1. Adverbs formed from a set of nominal forms which denotes place, time and manner
Certain set of adjectives which includes demonstrative adjectives such as a, i, e and numeral adjective oru , and certain adjectival forms of verbs combine with a set of nouns which denote place, time and manner to form adverbs. They are grouped into three:
1. Demonstrative adjectives + nominals denoting place, time and manner
2. Adjectival forms of verbs + nominals denoting place, time and manner
1. Numeral oru + nominals denoting place, time and manner
2. Demonstrative adjectives + nominal denoting time + varai ‘limit’
3. Adverbial form of a verb + varai ‘limit’
2.1.2.1.1. Demonstrative adjectives + nominals denoting place, time and manner
The demonstrative and interrogative bound morphemes such as a, i, e as well as the adjectives maRu ‘again’ and tan ‘now’ combine with certain bound forms which are nominal in their origin such as pozhutu ‘time’ pootu ‘time’ paTi `manner', aaRu `manner' iTam `place', ndeeram `time', paal `place', puRam `back', vaNNam `manner' forming adverbs. It should be noted here that the above mentioned forms reinforce adverbial processes of manner, place and time. The following are the list of forms of adverbs listed in KTTA which have been decomposed into morphemes to suit our purpose.
a/i/e + pozhutu/pootu
a + pozhutu 'time' > appozhutu 'at that time'
a + pootu > appootu 'at that time'
i + pozhutu 'time' > ippozhtu 'in this period; now; at this time
e + pozhutu > eppozhutu 'when; at what time'
e + pootu > eppootu ' when; at what time'
tan + pozhutu/pootu
tan 'one's + pozhutu > taRpozhutu 'at present; now'
tan + pootu > taRpootu 'at present; now'
a/i/e + paTi
a + paTi 'in the manner of' > appaTi 'in the way or mannerstated'
i + paTi > ippaTi 'in the way or manner; thus'
e + paTi > eppaTi 'in what way; in what condition; by what what manner; how'
a/i/e + aaRu
a + aaRu 'in the manner' > avvaaRu 'in the specified or required or desired manner; like that'
i + aaRu > ivvaaRu 'in the manner; like this'
e + aaRu > evvaaRu 'in what manner'
a+ iTam
a + iTam > avviTam `there'
a + ndeeram/paal/puRam/vaNNam
a + ndeeram > anneeram `at that time'
a + paal > appaal `afterwards'
a + puRam > appuRam `afterwards'
a + vaNNam > avvaNNam `as such'
Adj + paTi
maRu 'next' + paTi > maRupaTi 'again'
The demonstrative adjectives such as a, i, e are capable of forming adverbs when suffixed to the nouns meaning ‘time’. They can form adverbs with nouns such as ndeeram ‘time’, camayam ‘time’, kaalam ‘period’ etc. Though the formation is restricted to only to a set of nouns meaning ‘time’, the adverbial formation seems to be a potential one.
a + ndeeram > andndeeram ‘at that time’
a + camayam > accamayam ‘at that time’
a+ kaamal > akkaalam ‘on that period; olden day’
It should noted here that not all the first set of forms combine with all the second set of form or vice versa. Even forms like angku 'there' , ingku 'here' and engku 'where' can be decomposed into a/i/e + ngku, though the decomposition is not economical form the point of view of word formation.
a/i/e + ngku
a + ngku > angku 'there'
i + ngku > ingku 'here'
e + ngku > engku 'where'
a/i/e + nRu
a + nRu > anRu 'that day'
i + nRu > inRu 'today'
e + nRu > enRu 'which day'
a/i/e + ngkanam/ngnganam
a + ngkanam > angkanam 'in that manner'
a + ngnganam > angnganam 'in that manner'
i + ngkanam > ingkanam 'in this manner'
i + ngnganam > ingnganam 'in this manner'
e + ngkanam > engkanam 'in which manner'
e + ngnganam > engnganam ' in which manner'
2.1.2.1.2. Adjectival forms of verbs + nominals denoting place, time and manner
ceyta and ceyyum type of adjectival forms of verbs combine with a set of nominals denoting manner forms adverbs.
ceyta-type of verb form + paTi
kaNTa (past adjectival participle form of the verb kaaN'see') + paTi > kaNTapaTi 'without observing any norm or standard or rule; without restraint'
kaNTa + paTi > kaNTapaTi `aimlessly'
N + ceyta-type of verb form + paTi
manam + poona (past adjectival participle form of the verb poo 'go') + paTi > manampoonapaTi 'without restraint;without self-control'
N + il + ceyta-type of verb form + paTi
vaay 'mouth' + il (locative case suffix) + vandta (past adjectival form of the verb vaa 'come') + paTi > vaayilvandtapaTi 'without restraint'
N + ku + ceyta-type of verb form + paTi
vaay 'mouth' + ukku (dative case suffix) + vandta (past adjectival form of the verb vaa 'come') + paTi >vaaykkuvandtapaTi 'without restraint'
N + + ceyyum-type of verb form + aaRu
pin + varum (future adjectival from of the verb vaa 'come') + aaRu > pinvarumaaRu
paTi as a postposition functions as adverbializer with certain sets of nouns. After noun or pronoun it is used in the sense ‘as per’ or ‘according to’. After the adjectival forms of verbs it used in the sense of ‘as’ or ‘in the manner of’. Thus paTi can function as an adverbializer with certain set of nouns and adjectival forms of verbs.
avar miitu caTTap-paTi ndavaTikkai eTukkappaT-um
he on law_as per action be taken_FUT
‘Action will be taken on him as per law’
ndaan co-nn-a-paTi cey
I say_PAST_RP_as do
‘Do as I said’
The nominal forms suffixed with paTi and the relative participle form suffixed with paTi are capable of getting lexicalized as adverbs. So paTi can be considered as a potential adverbilizer. Its synonyms aaRu and vaNNam the adjectival forms of verbs it used in the sense of ‘as’ or ‘in the manner of’. vaNNam after past relative participles is used to indicate the unceasing, uninterrupted nature of the action specified.
avan ndaan connavaaRu cey_t-aan
he I say_PAST_RP act_PAST_he
‘He acted as I told him’
avar ndeeRR-ilirundtu azhu-t-a vNNam iru-kkiR-aar
he yesterday_from weep_PAST_RP as be_PRES_he
‘He keeps on weeping since yesterday’
So aaRu and vaNNam can be considered as potential adverbializers.
2.1.2.1.3. Numeral oru + nominals denoting place, time and manner
The combination of numeral adjective oru 'one' with a set of nouns denoting place, time and manner gives rise to adverbs. The following are attested in KTTA.
oru + veeLai ‘time' > oruveeLai `sometimes'
oru + kaal ‘time' > orukkaal `sometimes'
oru + taTavai `time (frequency)' > orutaTavai `once'
oru + maatiri ‘manner' > orumaatiri ‘somehow'
oru + ciRitu > oruciRitu `a little'.
2.1.2.1.4. Demonstrative adjectives + nominal denoting time + varai ‘limit’
Demonstrative adjective + ndaaL 'day' + varai ‘limit’
itu `this' + ndaaL `day' + varai > itu ndaaL varai `till today'
2.1.2.1.5. Adjectival form a verb + varai
ceyya type of adjectival form + varai
kuuTiya `to be possible' + varai > kuuTiyavarai `as for as possible'
varai is a temporal particle. This will denote limitation with reference to place and time. The compounds such as ituvarai, itundaaL varai are listed in KTTA as adverbs as they are lexicalized due to meaning change. The past participle form of iyal and muTi, iyanRa and muTindta combine with varai to form compounds such as muTindavarai and iyanRavarai which can also be considered as adverbs. kuuTiyamaTTum, iyanRamaTTum, aanamaTtum can also be taken as adverbs. It appears that the relative participle form of a closed set such as aana, kuuTiya, iyanRa, muTindta combines with varai adverbs. The question before us is whether to take those formations as derived from rules or as lexicalized unanalysed forms. If the formation is productive, then it is better for us to consider them as derived by WFR.
2.1.2.2. Adverbs from forms derived from mun/pin
mun `front' and pin `back' combine with the non-productive suffixes such as -ar, -aal, -aaTi, -pu forming adverbs.
Ex.
mun + ar > munnar `before'
mun + aal > munnaal `before'
mun + aaTi > munnaaTi `before'
mun + pu > munpu `before'
2.1.2.3. Adverbs from forms suffixed by ee
The clitic -ee combine with a set of lexical items such as anku `there', appaTi` that way', meel `above', pin `back', uTan, `with' and muRai `term', and also with the non-finite verbs forms such as terindtu `having known', munkuuTTi `having added before', eeRkena `take-as said' forming adverbs.
angku + ee > angkee `there'
meel + ee > meelee `above'
uTan + ee > uTanee `immediately'
2.1.2.4. Adverbs from forms suffixed by um
The clitic um combine with a set of items as shown in the following examples forming adverbs.
engku `where' + um > engkum `everywhere'
muzhutu `full' + um > muzhutum `fully'
cuRRu `surroundings' + il + um > cuRRilum `around'
meen + mel `above' + um > meenmeelum `continuously'
oru `one' + kaal `time' + um > orukkaalum `never'
miiNTu `having come back' + um > miiNTum `again'
2.1.2.5. Adverbs from forms suffixed by ellaam
The ellaam `all' combine with a set of items as shown in the following examples forming advebs.
Deverbal nominal form of the type ceytatu + dative kku + ellaam
ex. eTuttatu `that which is taken' + ukku + ellaam > eTuttataRkellaam `for everything'
eTuttatu 'that which it taken', toTTatu 'that which is touched' are deverbal nominal forms of ceytatu type; kku is a dative suffix; ellaam means 'all'. eTuttataRkellaam and toTTataRkellaa m are synonyms as they can be interchangeable. The forms eTuttatu, toTTatu have been lexicalized due to meaning change. As the formation appears to be not productive the resultant forms can better be listed in the lexicon.
2.1.2.6. meel-suffixed adverbs
meel combine with a set of items as shown in the following examples forming adverbs.
ini `after' + meel `above' > inimeel `after that'
kai `hand' + meel `above' > kaimeel `as a consequence'
ini is an adverb whereas kai is a noun. meel is a particle. The forms derived from them inimeel and kaimeel are not formed by productive WFR. So the formation cannot be considered as a WFR for adverbial formation.
2.1.2.7. Advebs from reduplicated nouns
Formation of adverbs by reduplication appears to be initiated by a productive WFR.
1. Reduplicated word + noun
akkam + pakkam `near'> akkam pakkam `around/ at the neighbourhood'
ndeer `opposite' + ukku + ndeer > ndeerukku neer `directly'
2.Repetition of noun intervened by dative ukku
aTi 'step' + ukku + aTi 'step' > aTikkaTi 'oftern'
uTan 'at once' + ukku + uTan > uTanuukuTan 'immediately'
uL 'inside' + ukku + uL > uLLukkuL '
ndeer 'straight' + ukku + ndeer 'face o face'
3. Echoword + ukku + echo word
eeRu + ukku + maaRu > eRukku maaRu
The formation in which the reduplicated forms are intervened by ukku appears to be a productive formation. We have forms of the following:
patil 'reply' + ukku + patil > patilukku patil
vaarttai 'word' + ukku + vaarttai > vaarttaikku vaarttai
pazhi + kku + pazhi > pazhikuu pazhi
2.2. Adverbs formed from non-finite forms of verbs
There is no dispute that the verbal participle forms come to modify the verbs and so function as adverbs. As some of them attained idiosyncratic meaning they have been liste in KTTA as adverbs. They can be classified into there are three types according to their form.
1. Adverbs from forms with non-finte form as suffix
2. Adverbs from forms with non-finite form as post-position
3. Adverbs from non-finite forms
2.2.1. Adverbs from forms with non-finite form as suffix
There are three types based on the kind of suffix.
1. Adverbs from forms suffixed with aaka
2. Adverbs from forms suffixed with enRu
3. Adverbs form forms suffixes with ena
2.2.1.1. Adverbs from forms suffixed with aaka
aaka `to become' is a ceyya-type of non-finte form of the verb aaku `become' which is lexicalized as an adverbial suffix.
1.N + aaka
alaTciyam `disrespect' + aaka > alaTciyamaaka `disrespectfully'
kaTTaayam 'compulsion' + aaka > kaTTaayamaaka 'compulsorily'
kuRippu 'particularity' + aaka > kuRippaaka 'particularly'
tavaRutal 'wrong' + aaka > tavaRutalaaka 'worngly'
2.N1 + N2 + aaka
akkini 'fire' + caaTci 'evidence' + aaka > akkini caaTciyaaka 'in the presence of sacred fire'
kaal 'leg' + ndaTai 'walk' + aaka > kaalndaTaiyaaka 'on foot'
cukku 'dried ginger' + nduuRu 'hundred' + aaka > cukku nduuRaaka 'in pieces'
valu 'strength' + kaTTaayam 'certainty' + aaka > valukaTTaayamaaka 'compusorily'
3.N1 + N1 + aaka (Rhyme motivated by repetition)
kaalam 'time' + kaalam + aaka > kaalam kaalamaaka 'for ages'
paTi `step' + paTi + aaka > paTippaTiyaaka `gradually'
mutal 'first' + mutal + aaka > mutalmutalaaka 'at first'
malai 'hill' + malai 'hill' + aaka > malaimalaiyaaka 'in great heaps'
4.N1 + N2 (Rhyme motivated)
azhuttam + tiruttam + aaka > azhuttam tiruttamaaka '
5.Rhyme motivated compounds by echoing + akka
icaku + picaku `wrong' + aaka > icakupicakaaka `unexpectedly'
ekka + cakkam > ekkacakkam + aaka > ekkacakkam aaaka 'in a fix'
caaTai + maaTai > caaTaimaaTai + aaka > caaTaimaaTaiyaaka 'indirectly'
karaTu + muraTu 'roughness' > karaTumuraTu + aaka > karaTu muraTaaka 'ruggedly'
6.Phrasal noun + aaka
ilai maRaivu 'hiding of leaf' + kaay maRaivu 'hiding of fruit' + aaka > ilamaRaivu kaaymaRivu aaka '
7.N1 + um + N2 + um + aaka (rhyme motivated compound nouns formed by conjoining two nouns by um)
etir 'opposite' + um + putir 'mystery' + um + aaka > etirum putirumaaka 'opposing'
kai `hand' + um + mey `body' + um + aaka > kaiyyum meyyumaaka `with clear evidence'
tappu 'wrong' + um + tavaRu 'wrong' + aaka > tappum tavaRumaaka 'faultily'
muukku 'nose' + um + muzhi 'eye' + aaka > muukkum muzhiyumaaka 'with well pronounced features'
8.Adv + um + Adv + um
angku 'there' + um + ingku + um > ingkumangkumaaka 'un and down'
ingku 'here' +um + angku + um > ingkumangkumaaka 'up and down'
9. N1 + dative ukku + N2 + aaka (rhyme motivated)
eeRu + ukku + maaRu + aaka > eeRukku maaRaaka 'inconsistent'
10.N1 + sociative ooTu + aaka > aatiyooTandtamaaka '
11.N1 + ukku + N2 + N3
mun 'front' + dative ukku + pin 'back' + muraN '+ aaka > munnukku pin muraNaaka '
12. Negative participial form of verb + N + aaka
teriyaa 'not knowing' + tanam + aaka > teriyaattanamaaka 'unknowingly'
veeNTaa 'not requiring' + veRuppu 'hatred' + aaka > veeNTaaveRuppaaka 'unwillingly'
viTaa 'not leaving' + piTi 'hold' + aaka > viTaapiTiyaaka 'tenaciously'
12.Adj + ee (clitic) + N + aaka
oru + ee + muuccu + aaka > oreemuuccaaka '
oru + ee + aTi + aaka > oreeyaTiyaaka
13. N1 + ceyta type of non-finite form + N2 + aaka
meel 'on' + ezhunda 'rising' + vaari 'wise' + aaka > meelezhundta vaariyaaka
14. ceyat type of non-finite form + N + aaka
aTutta 'being near' + paTi 'step' + aaka > aTutta paTiyaaka 'next'
aaka has an alterenent form aay. The ceyya type of form of the verb aaku is aaka, whereas the ceytu type of form is aay. Both are used as adverbilaizers. Annamalai (198) and Lehman (1989) do not consider aaka/aay as verbalizers. We cannot say that aaka/aay will form adverbs when suffixed with all the nouns. Only a set of nouns gives adverbial meaning when aaka/aay is added to them. Lehaman does not consider aaka/aay as verbalizer. But he states that the forms suffixed by aaka can be considered as adverbs from the point of view of syntactic function (Lehman 1989:146). He points out how aaka behaves as a case marker and gives the different semantic interpretations (140-146):
1. Manner
umaa aatiramaakap peecinaaL 'Uma talked angrily'
2. Role
ippootu un mutalaaLiyaakap peecavillai. un appaavaakap peecukiReen 'I don't talk now as a proprietor, but as your father'
3. Result (change of state)
kaNNan payittiyakkaaranaaka maaRiviTTaan 'Kannan has become mad'
itai iraNTaaka veTTu 'Cut it into two'
kumaar taNNiirai panikkaTTiyaaka aakkinaan
'Kannan made water into ice'
4. Comparison
oru maatam oru ndimiTamaakap pooyiRRu
'One month passed as if it was a minute'
kaNNan peTtippaampaaka aTangkinaan 'Kannan became calm as a snake kept in a box'
5. Indefinite location
kaNNan caayangkaalamaakap pooyviTTaan 'Kannan went around eventing'
kaNNan katavooramaaka uTkaarndtaan 'Kannan sat near the door'
6. Comitative
kaNNan pencilum peenaavumaaka vandtaan
'Kannan came with pencil and peena'
7. Purpose
kaNNan oru veelaiyaak vandtaan
'Kannan came for a work'
8. Duration of time
KaNNan cennaiyil ndaanku varuTamaaka irukkiRaan
'Kannan is in Chennai for four yerars'
9. Self reference
(kaNNan) kaNNanaaka andta ndaavalai ezhutinaan
'Kannan himself wrote that novel'
10. Quantity
andta kiraamattil paNakkaararkaLaaka irukkiRaarkaL
'There are a lot of rich people live there'
11. Gradualness
kaNNan ovvonRaakat tinRaan 'Kanna ate one by one'
12.Momentariness
kaNNankku aattiramaaka vandtatu 'Kannan was angry'
12. Repetition
Kannan vaacalukkum truvukkumaaka ndaTndaan 'Kannan walked back and forth from entrance to street repeatedly'
13. Alternation
kaNNan ezhutuvadtum paTippatumaaka irukkiRaan
'Kannan is writing and reading alternatively'
14. Focus
peritaaka iraNTu maampazham vaangku
'Buy two mangoes'
It can be interpreted from the above examples that aaka does not always function as an adverb with all nouns or noun phrases. Pointing out that aaka can be added to noun phrase which function as subject and object, Lehman argues that depending upon the context aaka can be analysed as a bound postposition or clitic.
KTTA has listed many nominal forms which are suffixed with aaka as adverbs. The idiosyncratic meaning acquired by these forms leading to their reoriented function of modifying the verbs has found them a place in the dictionary as adverbs. It can be interpreted that the nouns suffixed with aaka are capable of being converted as adverbs by the idiosyncratic meaning they may attain in course of time. So it is economical for us to consider aaka as an adverbializer which has the potentiality to convert a noun into adverb and incorporate the following as WFR rule to complement a lexicon or dictionary.
N + aaka > [N-aaka]Adv
The formation of adverbs by above mentioned WFR appears to be a productive process. In you go through the statistics of the aaka suffixed adverbs found in KTTA, it be revealed that aaka suffixed simple adverbs are more in number than aaka suffixed compound adverbs. The rhyme motivated aaka suffixed compound verbs comes next in number of formation. Next comes the rhyme motivated aaka suffixed reduplicated compounds. It appears that the formation of rhyme motivated compounds is a productive formation as many forms which are not listed in KTTA are found in usage. The formation of nonce adverbs by adding aaka after N + N compounds and Adj + noun compounds are also found in usage. The overall picture make us to conclude that the formation of adverbs by addition of aaka followed by lexicalization is a productive process.
Kothandaraman (1973:94-100) considers aaka as a case marker. He points out the following points to establish his idea.
1. aaka is synonymous with the case suffix ooTu 'with'.
Ex.
avar enniTam anpaakap pazhakinaar
'he behaved with me well'
avar enniTam anpooTu pazhakinaar
'he behaved with me well'
2. Similar to the locative case marker il, aaka establishes a state.
Ex.
vaLavan viiTTil irundtaan
'Valavan was in the house'
vaLavan aracanaaka irukkiRaan
'Valvan is a king'
vaLavan koopamaaka irukkiRaan
'Valavan is angry'
vaLavan anpaakp pazhakukiRaan
'Valavan is behaving with kindness'
3. As the a case marked noun occurs as head of an NP, aaka suffixed noun also occur as a head of an NP.
Even then, it appears that a set of aaka suffixed nouns can be considered as adverb as the are listed in a dictionary as adverbs.
2.2.1.2. Adverbs from forms suffixed with enRu
enRu (`having said') is a ceytu-type of non-finite form of the verb en `say' which is lexicalized as an adverbial suffix. enRu form advers when suffixed with words symbolizing sound or feeling. The following are the different types of formation:
1. Simple sound/feeling symblizer + aaka
akkaTaa + enRu > akkaTavenRu 'leisurely'
kup + enRu > kuppenRu 'gushingly'
catak + enRu > catakkenRu 'forcefully'
veRic + enRu > veRiccenRu 'wearing a desolate look'
2. Reduplicated onomatopoeic word + aaka
2.1. Reduplicated morpheme + aaka
2.1.1. Full reduplicated morpheme + aaka
kaTa + kaTa + enRu > kaTakaTavenRu 'fast'
paLic+ paLic + enRu > paLic paLiccenRu 'in bright flashes'
toLa + toLa + enRu > toLa toLavenRu 'losely'
ndeTu + ndeTu + enRu > ndeTundeTuvenRu 'very tall'
2.1.2.Partical reduplicated morpheme + aaka
kaca + muca + enRu > kacamucavenRu '
kannaa + pinnaa + enRu > kannaapinnaavenRu 'without order'
tattu + pittu + enRu > tattupittenRu 'babblingly'
taaTTu + puuTTu + enRu > taaTTupuuTTenRu ' blustering out'
3.Reduplicated word + enRu
3.1. Partial reduplicated word + enRu
acaTTu 'foolishness' + picaTTu + enRu > acaTTupicaTTenRu 'foolishly'
enoo 'why'+ taanoo + enRu > eenoo > taanoovenRu 'half heartedly'
kuyyoo + muRaiyoo 'proper_interrogation' + enRu > kuyoomuRaiyoovenRu 'complaining loudly'
kannam 'dark' + kareel + enRu > kannangkreelenRu 'in a jet black manner'
cekka 'red' + ceveel + enRu > cekkacceveelenRu 'ruddy'
enRu the past participial form of the verb en 'say' has various functions. This function as a complementizer embedding a sentence as shown in the following examples.
kaNNan tanakkut tapaal vandatu enRu connaan
'Kannan said that a letter was delivered to him'
kaNNan ndallavan enRu ndinaitteen
'I though that Kannan was a good person'
enRu also function as a complementizer of a direct speech.
kaNNan "ndaan ndaaLai kalluurikku varamaaTTeen," enRu kuuRinaan.
'Kannan said,"I will not come to college tomorrow."
The function of enRu as a complementizer of a direct speech is extended to the level of embedding sound symbolizers. Many such symbolizers get adverbilaized by enRu and find their place in the dictionary. enRu thus comes to function as an adverbializer.
The sound/feeling symbolizers can be classified as follows:
1.Speed
kapakapa, kupuku, cuRucuRu, tiTutiTu, timutimu, pakapaka, parapara, maLamaLa
2.Wetness
kacakaca, kuzhakuzha, koLakoLa, cotacota, ndacandaca, picupicu, potupotu, pottupottu.
3.Sound
karakara, kapakapa, kaTakaTa, kalakala, kicukicu, kilukilu, kucukucu, caracara, caLacaLa, ndaRandaRa, paTapaTa, muNumuNu
4. Flowing without stop
kaTakaTa, caracara, taratara, maTamaTa
5.Shivering
kiTukiTu, veTaveTa
5. Anger
ciTuciTu, puspus
6. Touch
cilucilu, kiLukiLu, kuzhukuzhu, parapara
7. Hardness
coracora, poruporu, moTamoTa, kaTukaTu
These enRu suffixed adverbs can be classified according to the verbs to which they are collocated.
Ex.
kalakalavenRu ciri 'laugh heartily'
kaTakaTavenRu ciri 'laugh without break'
paTapaTavenRu peecu 'speak excitedly'
kucukucuvenRu peecu 'speak with whispering voice'
kicukicuvenRu peecu 'speak with whispering voice'
kaTakaTavenRu peecu 'speak speadily'
vaLavaLavenRu peecu 'speak pointlessly'
tarataravenRu izhu 'drag forcibly along the ground'
veTaveTavenRu ndaTunku 'shiver markedly'
It should be noted most of the sound symbolizers themselves function as verbs (ex. kalakala 'produce rattling sound', 'kiTukiTu 'shake; tremble'). So the adverbs gets the meaning of the verbs which form the base for suffixing enRu.
There are many nonce formations which are not listed in KTTA found in Tamil texts. So it can interpreted that enRu is a productive adverbalizer adhering to the following WFR.
Sound/feeling symbolizer + enRu > [Sound symbolizer-enRu]Adv
2.2.1.3. Adverbs from forms suffixed with ena
ena (`to say') is a ceyya-type of non-finite form of the verb en `say' which is lexicalized as an adverbial suffix.
veL + ena > veLLena `clearly'
Only a few adverbs of this type is found in KTTA. In many cases enRu can be replace by ena. So ena can also be considered as a productive adverbailizer forming adverbs adhering to the following WFR.
Sound/feeling symbolizer + ena > [Sound/emotion symbolizer-ena]Adv
2.2.2. Forms with non-finite form as post-position
The postpositions, pool and poola which are non-finite forms of the verb pool `become' combine with a set of ceytaal-type of verb forms forming adverbs.
1. ceytaal type of verbal participial form + poola
aTuttaal 'if come near' + poola > aTutttaaRpoola 'next; adjacent to'
etirttaal `if opposed' + poola > etirttaRpoola `opposite'
2. Noun + ceytaal type of verbal participial form + poola
ndaRukku `cutting' + teRittaal `if flown away' + poola > ndaRukkutteRittaaRpoola `cut-shortly'
3.ceytu type of verbal participial form + ceytaal type of verbal participial form + poola
colli 'having said' + vaittal 'if kept' + poola > collivaittaaRpoola 'as if agreed upoun'
The particles pool and poola are derived from the verb pool 'be similar'. pool is the root form and poola is the ceyya type of form of pool. They can come as post positions after nouns (ordinary as well as atu-suffixed verbal nouns) to denote similarity.
umaa kalaavaip pool/poola azhakaanavaL
'Uma is beautiful like Kala'
kaNNan varaindtau poola raajaavum varaindtaan
'Raja draw similr to Kannan'
pool/poola like enRu and aaku, functions as complementizer too.
kaNNan ndallavan pool/poola tonRukiRatu
'It looks as if Kannan is a good person'
mazhai varum pool/poola teirikiRatu
'It appears as if it is going to rain'
pool/poola can complement a conditional clause with past participial (ex. connaal 'if said') and present participial (colkiRaal 'if say') forms. The conditional form complemented by pool/poola can come can be subordinated by verbs such as teri 'appear', toonRu 'appear'. They can give adverbial meaning of manner or comparison.
mazhai varukiRaaR poolat terikiRatu/tonRukiRatu
'It appears as if it is going to rain'
ndaan colkiRaaR poolac cey 'Do what I say'
ndaan connaaR poolac cey 'Do what I said'
keTTa kanavu kaaNkiRaaR poolac kaNNan ndaTungkinaan
'Kannan shivered as if he has seen a bad dream'
The conditional forms aTuttaal, etirttaal, ceerndtaal and toTarndaal with poola get lexicalized and listed in KTTA. There are similar types of forms which are not listed in KTTA are in use.
kaNNan aTittaaR poolat tuungkukiRaan
'Kannan is sleeping deeply'
kaNNan kuTittaaR poolap peecukiRaan
'Kannan is talking incoherently'
kaNNan maTai tiRandtaaR poola paaTalai oppittaan
'Kannan recited the poem fluently'
umaa viTindtaaR poola varuvaaL
'Uma come early in the morning'
In the above sentences aTittaal literally means 'as if beaten'; kuTittaal literally means 'as if drunk; maTai tiRandaal 'if the channel is opened'; viTindaal 'if it dawns'. In all these sentence a comparative construction introduced by the comparative element pool/poola express an adverbial meaning. Though an amount of transparency is there with regard to these constructions, it likely that in course of time this transparency will be lost and they may get lexicalized to find their place in a dictionary. In that case the comparative element poola can be considered as a productive adverbilaizer and the following WFR can be considered as a productive rule of adverbial formation. It is not clear how for this can be considered as a word formation rather than a phrase formation. The temptation to take the poola suffixed construction as a single unit is instigated by the fact that the resultant meaning is unanalysable.
aal suffixed conditional form of a verb + poola > [aal suffixed conditional form of a verb-poola]Adv
With certain nouns poola gives a kind of adverbial meaning.
avan tan viruppam poolac caappiTTan
'He ate well'
avan tan viruppam poola varuvaan
'He will come as he decides'
avan caayangkaalam poola varuvaan
'He will come around evening'
viruppam poola (<viruppam 'desire' + poola) literally means 'as per ones desire'.
2.2.3 Adverbs form non-finite verbal forms
There are 5 types of non-finite verbal forms which are lexicalized as adverbs and find their place in the dictionary under analysis.
1. Adverbs form ceyya type of non-finite verbal forms
2. Adverbs form ceytu type of non-finite verbal forms
3. Adverbs from ceyaamal type of non-finite verbal forms
4. Adverbs from ceyaatu type of non-finite verbal forms
5. Adverbs from ceytaal type of non-finite verbal forms
2.2.3.1. Adverbs from ceyya-type of non-finite verbal forms
Many ceyya-type of non-finite verbal forms are lexiclaized to be listed as adverbs in KTTA. Both simple and compound adverbs of this type are found.
1. Simple ceyya type of adverbials
akal 'leave' + a > akala 'wide'
eTTu 'reach' + a > eTTa 'away'
kiTTu 'get' + a > kiTTa 'near'
ndiRai 'fill' + a > niRaiya `fully'
2.Compound adverbs
2.1.Partial reduplicated compounds
para + (para 'be spread' + a>) parakka > parapara 'be in hurry'
2.2.Full reduplication
(koTTu 'bat eye lid' + a >) koTTa + koTTa > koTTakoTTa 'wide awake'
(ciRu 'become small' + a>) ciRuka + ciRuka > ciRukaciRuka '
(poo 'go' + a >) pooka + pooka > pookapooka 'as times goes by'
(vaa 'come' + a>) vara + vara > varavara 'as times goes by'
2.3.Rhyme motivated compounds
arakka + parakka > arakka parakka 'in haste'
aaRa 'to cool down' + amara 'to sit' > aaRaamara 'leisurely'
teLLa + teLiya 'to clear' > teLLat teLiya 'very clearly'
viyarkka 'to sweat' + viRuviRukka > viryarkka viRuviRukka 'in extreme hurry'
2.4.ceytu type of non-finite form + ceyya type of infintive form
cuRRi 'having rotated' + vara 'to come' > cuRRivara 'around'
2.5.N + ceyya type of non-finite form
kaN 'eye' + aara 'to satisfy' > kaNaara 'with one's own eyes'
tiRam 'capability' + paTa 'to suffer' > tiRampaTa 'effectively'
2.6. Adj + ceyya type of non-finite form
oru 'one' + ceera 'to join' > oruceera 'jointly'
pala 'many' + paTa 'to sffer' > palapaTa 'in a variety of ways'
The ceyya type of non-finite forms of a verb always function as an adverb before a finite verb. This adverbial function can be distinguished into the following categories:
1. Aim
kaNNan ennaaip paarka vandtaan 'Kannan came to see me'
2. Reason
kaNNan kallaal aTikka paanai uTaindtau
'As Kannan hit the pot with a stone, it broke'
3. Time
KaNNan tuungka raajaa paTittaan
While Kannan was sleeping, Raja was studying'
4. Result
kaiyilirundtu rattam vara kaNNan raajaavai aTittaan
'Kannan beat Raja till blood came from the hand'
The function of ceyy-type of verb forms as adverb is quite usual. But KTTA has listed a number of these forms adverbs as they are lexicalized due to their acquired idiosyncratic meaning. The compound forms of this type of adverbs exceed in number from the simple adverbs. The compounds of N + ceyya type of verbal forms exceeds the other compound forms. It is possible to consider the lexicalization of ceyya type of nonfinite forms of verbs into adverbs appears to be a productive process. Any ceyya type of nonfinite form can find their place in the lexicon as adverbs when they acquire some idiosyncratic sense. Compound adverbial formation due to reduplication and rhyme motivation appears to be a productive process as a number of nonce formations can be seen in the language use.
avan vara vara celavazhittaan 'He spends as money starts comming'
avan iraikka iraikka ooTivandtaan 'He came breathing heavily'
avan cezhikka cezhikka caappiTTaan 'He ate lavishly'
The lexicalization of N+ ceyya type of verbal forms into adverbs too appears to be productive. Certain ceyya type of verbal forms are productive used for the formation of adverbs. For example paTa and aaRa appears to be productive adverbializers forming adverbs with a certain set nouns.
N + paTa
veLi + paTa > veLippaTa 'plainly'
kaatu + paTa > kaatu paTa 'with one's own ears'
arttam + paTa > arttam paTa 'meaingfully'
N + aara
kaal + aarra > kaalaara 'with one' own legs'
kaN + aara > kaNaara 'with one's own eyes'
manatu 'mind' + aara > manataara 'whole heatedly'
2.2.3.2. Adverbs from ceytu-type of non-finite verbal forms
A number of ceytu-type of nonfinite verbal forms are lexicalized to get entered in KTTA as adverbs.
1. Simple ceytu type of nonfinite verbal forms
ayarndtu `deeply', kuurndtu `carefully', ndookki ' toward; paRRi 'about'
2. Compounds
2.1.N + ceytu type of nonfinite verbal forms
aTi 'foot' + oRRi 'having touched' > aTiyoRRi 'following the foot steps of'
captam 'noise' + pooTTu 'having put' > captampooTTu 'loudly'
manam 'mind' + tiRandtu 'having opened' > manam tiRandtu 'open heatedly'
mun 'front' + ndookki 'having seen' > munnookki 'thrusting forward'
2.2.N + accucative case + ceytu type of nonfinite verbal forms
kai 'hand' +( ai) + viTTu 'having left' > kaiyaiviTTu 'from one' own pocket'
2.3.N + N
ciram 'head' + meel 'above' + koNTu 'having held'> cirameeRkoNTu 'with utmost respect'
2.4. Adj + N+ + ceytu type of nonfinite verbal forms
oru 'one' + manam 'mind' + paTTu 'having experienced' > orumanappaTTu 'unanimously'
2.5. ceytu type of form + ceytu type of form ( Reduplicated compound)
paTittu 'having studied' + paTittu 'having studied' > paTittu paTittu 'over and over again'
maaRi 'having changed' + maaRi 'having changed' > maaRimaaRi 'alternately'
vikki 'having hiccuped' + vikki 'having hiccuped' > vikkivikki 'with hiccup-like sobs'
vizhundu 'having fallen' + vizhundtu 'having fallen > vizhundu vizundtu ' to an excess'
2.5. ceytu type of form + ceytu type of form (Rhyme motivated compounds)
aTittu 'having beaten' + piTittu 'having caught > aTittuppiTittu 'struggling hard'
tappi 'having slipped' + tavRi 'having committed mistake' > tappittavaRi 'by accident or chance'
2.6. ceytu type of form + ceytu type of form
kaTTi 'having tied' + koNTu 'having held' > kaTTikkoNTu 'clinging to'
kuuTTi 'having joined' + koNTu 'having held' > kuuTTikkoNTu 'together with'
piyttu 'having torn' + koNTu 'having held' > piyttukkoNTu 'with full force'
2.7. N + (accusative case) + ceytu type of form + ceytu type of form
kaNNai + muuTi 'having closed' + koNTu 'having held' > kaNNaimuuTikkoNTu 'blindly'
kai 'hand' + kaTTi +having folded' + koNTu 'having held' > kaikaTTikkoNTu 'doing nothing'
2.8. ceytu type of form + ceytu type of form + ceytu type of form
alaRi 'having made noise' + puTaittu 'having bulged out' + koNTu 'having held' > alaRippuTaittukkoNTu 'agitatedly'
pataRi 'having + aTittu 'having beaten' + koNTu 'having held' > paTaRi aTittukkoNTu 'in disorderly haste'
vaari 'having scooped' + curuTTi 'having rolled' + koNTu 'having held' > vaariccuruTTikkoNTu 'in haste'
vizhundtu 'having fallen + aTittu 'having beaten' + koNTu 'having held' > vizhundtaTittukkoNTu 'in great hurry'
The non-finite form occurring before a verb can be distinguished into two: affirmative and negative forms. The morphological structure of non-finite form of ceytu type of from is Verb + Past + participle suffix.
The past participle suffix is taken together as a single suffix, verbal participle suffix, as the past tense meaning is not carried by the past tense suffix before participle suffix u or 0. The tense is conveyed by the main verb in finite form. The participle suffix does not show explicitly the relation between the ceytu type of non-finite form and the finite verb. The meaning can be interpreted as per the context. Three kinds of situation can be noted:
1. Coordinating complementizer
kaNNan ingkee vandtu ennaik kuuppiTTaan
'Kannan having come here called me'
2. Verbal participle form
2.1. Adverb of time/reason
aindtu ndaaTkaL kazhindtu kaNNan ingku vandtaan
'Kannan came here after ten days'
kaNNan ingku vandtu muunRu aaNTukaL aakinRana
'Three years have passed after Kannan visted here'
mazhai peytu payirkaL ndanRaaka vaLarndtatu
'The crops grew well as it rained'
2.2. Adverb of manner
kaNNan tan paNattaik kuTittup paazhaakkukiRaan
'Kannan is wasting his money by drinking'
3. Verbal complementizer
kaNNan indtap puttakattaip paTittu ippootu muTittaan
'Kannan completed reading this book now'
At least two types of interpretations are possible regarding the past participle forms of verbs:
1. The ceytu type of forms are nothing but adverbs as they function always as adverbs and so the formation of ceytu type of form is a derivation and not an inflection. That is, the verbal participle suffix u ~ 0 is an adverbializer
2. The ceytu type of forms are inflected forms of verbs. That is, the verbal participle suffix u ~ 0 is an inflectional suffix
Arguments can be had in support of both these stands. Anyhow, KTTA has listed a considerable number of ceytu type of forms as adverbs as they acquired idiosyncratic adverbial meanings. As there is always a possibility of the ceytu type of forms to acquire idiosyncratic adverbial meanings, it can be interpreted that the ceytu type of forms are rich resource for the formation of adverbs.
meel 'above' + ndookki 'having seen' > meelndokki 'aiming above'
kiizh 'below' + ndookki 'having seen' > kiizhndookki 'aiming down'
The formation of adverbs by reduplication of ceytu type of forms appears to be productive as nonce forms can be found elsehwere.
kuzhaindu 'having fawned on' + kuzhaindtu 'having fawned on' > kuzhaindtu kuzhaindtu 'obediently'
vaLaindu 'having bent' + vaLaindtu 'having bent' > vaLaindtu vaLaindtu 'with bends'
Among the formation of adverbs by compounding of ceytu type of forms, formation of adverbs by adding koNTu to the ceytu type of forms appears to be a productive formation.
kaNNai 'eye_ACC' + aTaittu 'having closed + koNTu 'having held' > kaNNaTaittuk koNTu 'blindly'
vaayai 'mouth_ACC + potti 'having closed' + koNTu > vaayaip pottikkoNTu 'calmly'
2.2.3.3. Adverbs form ceyyaamal-type of non-finite verbal forms
The ceyyaamal type of non-finite forms of a verb has the following morphological structure:
Verb + Negative suffix + Verbal participle suffix
cey + aa + mal
Both simple and compound ceyaamal type of non-finite forms are listed in KTTA as adverbs.
1. Simple ceyyaamal type of forms as adverbs
aRi 'know' + aaml > aRiyaamal `unknowingly'
ooy 'cease' + aamal> oyaamal 'continuously'
tavaRu 'miss' + aamal > tavaRaamal 'without fail'
peecu 'speak' + aamal > peecaamal 'with any deliberation'
2. Compounds
2.1. N + ceyaamal type of form
iTai 'middle part' + aRu 'cut' + aamal > iTaiyaRaamal 'continously'
iTai 'middle part' + viTu 'leave' + aamal > iTaiviTaamal 'continuously'
iNai 'couple' + piri 'separate' + aamal > iNaipiriyaamal ' inseparable'
oocai 'sound' + paTu 'experience' + aamal > oocaipaTaamal 'without making a noise'
2.1. N + N + ceyaamal type of form
kaN 'eye' + maN 'earth' + teri 'be visible' + aamal > kaNmaN teriyaamal 'riclessly'
mun 'front' + pin 'back' + yooci 'think' + aamal > munpin yoocikkaamal 'thoughtlessly'
2.2. ceyta type of verbal form + N + ceyaamal type of verbal form vaitta 'that which is put' + kaN 'eye' + vaangk 'get' + aamal > vaitta kaN vaangkaamal ' gazing fixedly at'
2.3. ceytu type of verbal form + um + ceyaamal type of verbal form
kaNTu 'having seen' + um + kaaN 'see' + mal > kaNTum kaaNaamal 'turning a blind eye'
2.4. ceyaamal type of verbal form + ceyaamal type of verbal form
ooy 'cease' + aamal + ozhi 'cease' > ooyaamal ozhiyaamal 'always'
We have noted elsewhere that the nonfinite forms before a finite verb can be distinguished into three:1. ceyya type of non-finite form
2. ceytu type of non-finite form
3. ceyyaamal / ceyyaatu type of non-finite form
The ceytu type of non-finite form denotes affirmation and ceyyaamal type of non-finite form denotes negation. There exists a few semantic relation between ceyyaamal type of non-finite forms finite verbal forms. They are listed below:
1. Coordination
kaNNan ennaip parkkaamal viTTukkup poonaan
'Kannan wen home without seeing me'
2. Simultanity
kaNNan oru vaarttaiyum collaamal angkee ninRaan
'Kannan stood without uttering a word'
3. Reason
mazhai ndiiNTa ndaaL peyyaamal payir vaaTippooyiRRu
'As it did not rain for a long time, the crops dried'
4. Purpose
kaNNan kuzhndataiyai azhaamal paarttukkoNTaan
'Kannan looked after the child so that it did not cry'
As in the case of ceytu type of non-finite forms, ceyyaamal type of non-finite forms can also be seen either as a derivation or inflection. That is aamal can be considered as an inflectional suffix leading to the formation of negative verbal participle form or as an adverbializer leading to the formation of adverbs. KTTA has listed a number of ceyyaamal type of non-finite forms as adverbs due to their acquired idiosyncratic meaning. So, we can consider ceyyaamal type of non-finite forms as a rice source for the formation of adverbs as these forms are capable of acquiring idiosyncratic meaning.
2.2.3.4. Adverbs form ceyyaatu-type non-finte verbal forms
ceyyaatu type of non-finite forms are having the following morphological structure;
Verb + negative suffix + verbal participle suffix
cey + aat+ u
KTTA has listed only the following ceyyaatu type of forms as adverbs.
ooy 'cease' + aatu + ozhi 'cease' + aatu > ooyaatu ozhiyaatu 'without stop'
aamal and aatu are synonymous suffixes but the second one is used only in the higher variety.
aRiyaamal ~ aRiyaatu 'unknowingly'
tavaRaamal ~ tavaRaatu 'without fail'
2.2.3.5. Adverbs form ceytaal-type of non-finite forms
The ceytaal type of non-finite form has the following morphological structure:
Verb + past tense suffix + conditional suffix
cey + t + aal
The past tense suffix loses its tense denoting function when it occurs before the conditional suffix aal.
KTTA has listed only a few conditional forms as adverbs.
1. Simple forms
en 'say' + R + aal > enRaal (used as a conditional form)
2.Compound forms
2.1.N + ceytaal type of non-finite form
muNuk (an onomatopoeic word) + enRaal > muNukkenRaal 'at the slightest provocation'
2.2.ceyya type of non-finite form + ceytaal type of non-finite form
curungka 'to shorten' + connaal 'if said' > curungkacconnaal 'in brief'
colla 'to say' + poonaal 'if went' > collappoonaal 'in fact'
2.3.ceytu type of non-finite form + ceyaamal type of non-finite form
minci 'having remained' + poonaal 'if went' > mincippoonaal `if exeeded'
The clause with ceytaal type of verbal form is in conditional relation with the verb in finite clause.
kaNNan vandtaal raatai varuvaaL
'Radhai will come, if Kannan comes'
The ceytaal type of conditional forms are also lexicalized as adverbs as they have acquired idiosyncratic meanings. ceytaal type of conditional forms also can form a source for the formation of adverbs; but KTTA has listed only five such forms as adverbs. So, it appears that the possibility of ceytaal type of form getting lexicalized as adverbs is very less.
3. Conclusion
The data taken form KTTA depicts how nouns and verbs and their inflected forms come to be lexicalized as adverbs. The following table gives the number of forms listed in KTTA under each type of formations:
Type of formation
Number of forms
1
a/i/e-prefixed adverbial forms
27
2
oru-prefixed adverbial forms
5
3
ee-suffixed adverbial forms
25
4
um-suffixed adverbial forms
22
5
varai-suffixed adverbial forms
3
6
ellaam-suffixed adverbial forms
2
7
meel-suffixed adverbial forms
2
8
reduplicated adverbial forms
8
9
ukku-suffixed adverbial forms
27
10
ooTu-suffixed adverbial forms
7
11
uTan-suffixed adverbial forms
2
12
il-suffixed adverbial forms
45
13
aal-suffixed adverbial forms
3
14
aaka-suffixed adverbial forms
150+
15
enRu-suffixed adverbial forms
107
16
ena-suffixed adverbial forms
1
17
poola-suffixed adverbial forms
6
18
ceyya-type of non-finite adverbial forms
77
19
ceytu-type of non-finite adverbial forms
87
20
ceyyaamal-type of non-finite adverbial forms
19
21
ceyaatu-type of non-finite adverbial forms
1
22
ceytaal-type of non-finite adverbial forms
5
The prefixes like a/i/e and oru and the suffixes like ee, um, varai, ellaam, and meel cannot be taken as adverbial formative affixes. The case-suffixed forms as well as the non- finite forms (which can occur before verbs) could be potential resource from which adverbs can be pumped in by lexicalization at the meaning level.
REFERENCES
Aronoff, M. 1976. Word formation in generative grammar, Linguistic Inquiry Monograph I, Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.
--------------1984. Morphology by itself stems and inflectional classes. Cambridge: The MIT Press.
Asher, R.E. 1982. Tamil, Lingua descriptive studies. Amsterdam: Northholland publishing house.
Bauer, L. 1978a. On lexicalization, Archivum Linguisticum 9:3-14.
-----. 1978b. Productivity in word-formation. In Gregerson, K (ed.).1978. Papers from the Fourth Scandinavian Conference of Linguistics, Odense University Studies in Linguistics 3. Odense: Odense University Press.
-----. 1983. English Word-formation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
-----. 1988. Introducing Linguistic Morphology. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Beard, R. 1988. On the separation of derivation from morphology: Towards a lexeme/morpheme-based morphology. Quaderni di Semantica 9, pp. 3-59.
caktiveel, cu., iraajeendtiran, ca. 1995. coRkaL: vaazhvum vralaaRum. cennai: maNivaacakam piriNTars.
Cre-A. 1992. kiriyavin tarkalat tamir akarati. Madras.
cuppaiyaa, koo. 1982. kuuTTavinaikal-ooraayvu. moliyiyal, 6.1:81-89.
------------------. 1983. vinaiyatippeyarkal, moliyiyal, 7.1 & 2:95-111.
------------------. 1984. kuuTTuppeyar, moliyiyal, 7.1. & 2: 187-191.
Di Sciullo, A.M. and Williams, E. 1987. On the definition of word. Cambridge, MA: MIT press.
Halle, M. 1973. Prolegomena to a theory of word-formation. Linguistic Inquiry 4:3-16.
iraaceendtiran, ca. 1989. tamizhil collaakkam. mozhiyiyal 13:1-4, 14:1-4, 163-192.
-----------------2000. “peyaraTaiyaakkam.” In: ec. cittiraputtiran, iraaparT cattiya coocap & maa. paarvati (eds.). ndaanjil. tanjcaavuur: ndiyuu vican veLiyiiTu, 66-97.
karuNaakaran, ki. & jeyaa, vi. 1986. tamilil putuccollaakam. mozhiyiyal 8. 3 & 4:91-116.
----------------- 2001. taRkaalat tamizhc coRkaLanjiyam, Thanjavur: Tamil University.
------------------2004. tamizhil collakkam. Thanjavur: Tamil University.
kiriyaavin taRkaalat tamizh akaraati. 1992. Madras: Kria publication.
kootaNTaraaman, pon. 1989. col vakai allatu ilakkaNakkuuRukaL. tamizh ilakkaNak karuttarangku. Thanjavur: Department of Linguistics.
Lehmann, Thomas. 1989. A Grammar of Modern Tamil. Pondicherry: Pondicherry Institute of Linguistics and Culture.
Pustejovsky, J. 1996. The Generative Lexicon. Cambridge: The MIT Press.
Quirk, R., Greenbaum, S., Leech G. and Svartvik, J. 1976. A Grammar of Contemporary English. London: Longman.
Rajendran, S. 1983. Semantics of Tamil Vocabulary. (UGC sponsored Postdoctoral Research Work in manuscript). Poona: Deccan College Post Graduate and Research Institute.
-----.2000. “Types of Word Formation in Tamil”. In: Asher, R.E. and Harris, R. (eds). Linguisticoliterary, 323-343. Delhi: Pilgrims Books Pvt. Ltd.
-------. 2001. Word formation in Tamil. (UGC sponsored Major Project Report in manuscript). Thanjavur: Tamil University.
--------. 2003. “Strategies in the Formation of Adjectives in Tamil.” Language in India 3:5, www.langugeinindia.com
reeNukaateevi, vii. 1987. “tamizhil vinaiyaTaikaL.” mozhiyial 10.1-4: 94-108.