LANGUAGE IN INDIA

SEMANTIC STRUCTURE OF DIRECTIONAL VERBS OF MOVEMENT IN TAMIL

S. Rajendran, Ph.D.

1. Prologue

Lexical items of a language can be structured in terms of their meaning relations such as synonymy, hyponymy, compatibility and incompatibility (Lyons, 1977:230-335). In terms of meaning, synonymy is the identity between lexical items (e.g. nduul 'book': puttakam 'book"), hyponymy is the inclusion of lexical items in another (e.g. ndaay 'dog': vilangku 'animal'), compatibility is accidental similarity between lexical items (ndaay 'dog': cellappiraaNi 'pet'), and incompatibility is disjunction of the lexical items (manitan 'man': peey 'devil'). Synonymy and compatibility help us to put together the lexical items which are contiguous. Hyponymy relates the lexical items to certain superordinate items. By the principle of incompatibility the lexical items can be separated into certain groups and further into subgroups; each lexical item can be differentiated from the other item by the same principle. These meaning relations can be clearly shown if the meanings of the lexical items are broken down into minimal distinctive features, that is into components which contrast with other components. Such an analysis is called componential analysis of meaning1. Accordingly, ideal synonyms are those which share fully the semantic components of their meanings, hyponyms are those which share inclusively the semantic components of a superordinate term, compatible items are those which share certain accidentally similar semantic components and at the same time possess certain other contrasting components. Dictionary uses definitional approach to define the meanings of lexical items in terms of other lexical items. But both the componential and definitional approaches have got their own drawbacks2. The method of semantic description adopted in the present analysis3 utilizes the insights of these two approaches and at the same time avoids their drawbacks.

2. Verbs of directional movement

Verbs of Tamil can be groped under a number of semantic domains4. One such domain is CHANGE OF POSITION. The verbs grouped under CHANGE OF POSITION denote perceptual movement which can be taken as a feature which distinguishes them from other verbs. These verbs are generally intransitive verbs capable of taking an entity which moves5. A subclass of verbs of change of position incorporate directional orientations in their meanings. They incorporate the feature TO. They are called directional verbs of movement. These verbs can be further classified into nine subgroups as they incorporate respectively the following diagnostic features: TOWARD, INWARD, OUTWARD, NEAR, FORWARD, BACKWARD, BEHIND, UPWARD, DOWNWARD. The classification may be shown as follows:

CHANGE OF POSITION→ +DIRECTIONAL, - DIRECTIONAL

+DIRECTIONAL→TOWARD,
                          →INWARD,
                          →OUTWARD,
                          →NEAR
                          →FORWARD
                          →BACKWARD
                          →BEHIND
                          →UPWARD
                          →DOWNWARD

TOWARD

The verbs grouped here are capable of receiving two spatial arguments, one referring to the source from which the entity moves and the other referring to the goal to which the entity moves. The verbs tirumpu 'return', vaa 'come', poo 'go', cel 'go', ettu 'reach' aTai 'reach', vandtuceer 'reach' and pooycceer 'return' are grouped here. The verbs grouped here can be further classified into two based on the distinguishing feature: +BACK TO PREVIOUS SOURCE OF MOVEMENT. If the goal is the source of the previous movement then the concerned verb is marked for this feature. The other verbs are unmarked for this feature. (The presence of a feature is denoted by '+' symbol, the absence of the feature is denoted by the '0' symbol and the presence of the negative feature is denoted by the symbol '-'.)

+BACK TO PREVIOUS SOURCE OF MOVEMENT

The verb tirumpu 'return' is marked for this feature. The verb can take a source-argument which is realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu 'from' and a goal-argument which is realized in dative form (i.e. N+dative suffix).

1. avan aluvalakatt-il-irundtu pattu maNi-kku viiTT-ukkut tirump-in-aan
he office_loc_form ten o'clock-dat house_dat return_past_he
'He returned from office to house at 10 o'clock'

0 BACK TO PREVIOUS SOURCE OF MOVEMENT

The verbs vaa, poo, cel, puRappaTu, ettu, aTai, vandtuceer, vandtaTai, and pooycceer and cenRaTai are groped here. The verbs poo, cel, puRappaTu can be put together as they denote the movement of an entity out of or away from a place incorporating the distinguishing feature LEAVING SOURCE. vaa, ettu, vandtuceer, pooycceer, vandtaTai, and cenRaTai can be grouped together as they incorporate the feature REACHING GOAL Of these terms, poo 'go' is the most general and the least explicit in its implications; it often is used merely as the opposite of vaa 'come'. puRappaTu 'depart' is used in opposition to aTai 'reach'. Except ettu, aTai, vandtaTai and cenRaTai, all the other verbs can have a source which is realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu and can have a goal realized in dative form (i.e. marked by dative case suffix -ukku). As the verbs ettu, aTai, vandtaTai and cenRaTai are transitive verbs, the source of these verbs is marked by the postposition irundtu whereas the goal is marked by the accusative case.

2. avan paLLi -yil-irundtu viiTT-kkuc ce-nR-aan
he school_loc_from house_dat go_past_he
'He went to school from house'

3. avan i-kkaraiy-il-irundtu a-kkarai-yai aTai-ndt-aan
he this_shore_loc_from that_shore_acc reach_past_he
'He went from this shore to that shore'

Verbs of coming and going

vaa, poo and cel have to be groped and dealt separately as the interpretation of their meaning depends on the deictic properties of their subject, source, goal and time of utterance and time of event. vaa means 'come'; poo and cel mean 'go'. cel is used with the meaning 'go' only in the written language.

4. avan viiTT-ukku va-nd-taan
he house_dat come_past-he
'He came home'

5. avan viiTT-ukkup poo-n-aan he house_dat go_past_he
'He went home'

6. avan viiTT-ukkuc cenRaan he house_dat go_past_he
'He went home'

vaa always denotes reaching a place, where as poo can denote reaching as well as leaving a place. So there is an amount of overlapping between the use of vaa and poo. The meaning of vaa and poo (and cel) are not simply 'move towards a point' and 'move away from a point' respectively. Semantics of vaa and poo is a complex one. Interpretations or suppositions based on deictic properties of person, place and time contribute much to the meanings of the verbs vaa and poo. The person deixis involves speaker (S) and hearer (H), and place deixis involves place of event (PE) (i.e. goal) and place of utterance (PU) and the time deixis involves time of event (TE) and time of utterance (TU).

The situation is as follows in the case of S as the subject of movement. If PU = PE, them vaa is used. If PU ¹ PE, then there are two possibilities. The first possibility is the use of vaa with the condition that S expects, expected or found H in PE at T (e.g. 7 & 8). The second possibility is the use of poo. Here S does not expect or did not find H in PE at TE (e.g. 9 & 10). Even in this context, vaa can be used if PE is the habitual dwelling of H (e.g. 11 & 12). (PU in all following sentence is not PE.)

7. ndaan ndaaLai un paLLi-kku varu-v-een
I tomorrow your school_dat come_fut_I
'I will come to your school tomorrow'

8. ndaan ndeeRRu un paLLi-kku va-ndt-een
I yesterday your school come_past_I
'I came to your school yesterday'

9. ndaan ndaaLai un paLLi-kkup poo-v-een
I tomorrow your school_dat go_fut_I
'I will go to your school tomorrow'

10. ndaan ndeeRRu un paLLi-kkup poo-n-een
I yesterday your school_dat go_past_I
'I went to your school yesterday'

11. ndaan ndeeRRu un paLLi-kku va-ndt-een. aanaal ndii angkee illai.
I yesterday your school_dat come_past_I but you there not
'I went to your school yesterday, but you were not there'

12. ndaan ndeeRRu un viiTT-ukku va-ndt-een. aanaal ndii angkee illai.
I yesterday your house_dat come_past_I but you there not
'I went to your house yesterday, but you were not there'

The examples 11 and 12 do not contradict the supposition that S moved towards H, because the movement of S in these sentences is at least towards a place where S expected H to be present. The major factor which controls the use of vaa and poo is the expectation of S about the presence or the absence of H at PE. It should be noted that in the case where PU = PE, the supposition of the presence of H can be made only at TU and not at TE.

The following table shows the use of vaa and poo in the case of S as the subject.

If H is the subject of movement, the situation is not simply the reverse of that of S as the subject of movement. Here also, If PU+ PE, vaa is used. If PU ¹ PE, then there are two possibilities:

1. vaa is used if S assumes his presence in PE at TE
2. poo is used if S assumes his absence in PE at TE.

The condition PE = PU suppose the presence of S or S and H in PE at TU. The following table shows the use of vaa and poo in the case of H as the subject of movement.

In the case of third person as the subject of movement, the situation is same as that of the movement of H except that wherever S's presence or absence is predicted H's presence or absence can also be predicted. The following table shows the use of vaa and poo in the case of third person as the subject of movement.

In the case of accompanying movement, there are certain differences in the use of vaa and poo. If the movement is with S and/or H, then vaa is used consistently. But if the movement is not with S and/or H, that is with a third person, then vaa and poo are used in accordance with the unaccompanying movement discussed above.

13. avan en kuuuTa varu-v-aan
he me with come_fut_he
'He will come with me'

14. avan un kuuTa varu-v-aan
he you with come_fut_he
'He will come with you'

15. ndii en kuuTa varu-v-aay
you me with come_fut_you
You will come with me'

Verbs of departing and reaching

puRappaTu 'depart, leave' ettu 'reach', aTai 'reach', vandtuceer 'reach', vandtaTai 'reach', pooycceer 'reach' and cenRaTai 'reach'. puRappaTu is a source oriented verb whereas ettu, vandtuceer, vandtaTai, pooycceer and cenRaTai are goal oriented verbs. As noted already, the verbs ettu, aTai, vandtaTai and cenRaTai have their goals marked for accusative case, whereas the other verbs have their goals marked for dative case.

avan cennaiy-il-irundtu tanjaavuur-ukkup puRapaTTaan
he Chennai_loc_from Thanjavur_dat depart_past_he
'He left Chennai for Thanjavur'

avan cennaiy-il-irundtu tanjaavuur-ai vandtaTai-ndt-aan
he Chennai_loc_from Thanjavur_acc reach_past_he
'He reached Thanjavur from Chennai'

ettu implies reaching closer to the territory of the goal, whereas, aTai, vandtuceer, vandtaTai, pooycceer and cenRaTai imply more than reaching closer to the goal, that is reaching the goal. The use of aTai, vandtaTai and cenRaTai are restricted to written language.

kaar pattu maNi-kkuc cennaiy-ai ett-iy-atu
car ten o'clock_dat Chennai_acc reach_past_it
'The car almost reached Chennai at 10 o'clock'

kaar pattu maNi-kkuc cennai-yai vandtaTai-ndt-atu
car ten o'clock_dat Chennai_acc reach_past_it
'The car reached Chennai at 10 o'clock'

It should be noted that vandtuceer, pooycceer, vandtaTai and cenRaTai are the compounds formed by the combination of past participle forms of the verbs vaa 'come', poo 'go' and cel 'go' with the verbs ceer 'reach' and aTai 'reach'. So the properties attributed to the verbs vaa and poo/cel as well as aTai and ceer can be attributed to the compound verbs too. The difference between vandtuceer and pooycceer and vandtaTai and cenRaTai can be attributed the difference between vaa and poo/cel. Similarly the difference between vandtaTai and vandtuceer and pooycceer and cenRaTai can be attributed to the difference between aTai and ceer.

INWARD

The verbs nduzai-1, nduzai-2, puku-1, puku-2, piraveeci-1, piraveeci-2 uuTuruvu-1, uuTuruvu-2, eeRu-1, eeRu-2, eeRu-3, iRangku-1, iRangku-2, tuLai-1 and tuLai-2 are marked for the feature INTO as they denote moving inside a goal. They can be classified into two based on whether they imply an opening/entrance through which the movement takes place or not. The verbs which imply an opening/entrance are marked for the feature +THROUGH STIPULATED OPENING and others are marked for -THROUGH STIPULATED OPENING. (Note: A single verb can have different meanings incorporating different distinguishing features and thereby associating itself to different semantic sub-classes. Based on these distinct features, a verb is divided into different verbs by attaching different tag numbers. For example eeRu is tagged as eeRu-1 as it denotes moving into a goal volitionally in one of its meanings.)

+THROUGH STIPULATED OPENING

The verbs nduzai-1, nduzai-2, puku-1, puku-2, piraveeci-1, piraveeci-2, uuTuruvu-1, eeRu-1, eeRu-2, and iRangku-1 are grouped here as they incorporate this feature. The movement may be volitional implying that the moving body is animate and is capable of moving inside the goal on its own or non-volitional movement implying that the moving body is inanimate and may or may not be able move inside the goal on its own.

+VOLITIONAL

The verbs nduzai-1, puku-1, piraveeci-1, uuTuruvu-1 and eeRu-1 are grouped here as they incorporate this feature. For all these verbs the goal is realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition uL/uLLee added to the dative case (-ukku). Instead of ukku+uL, locative case marker -il can also be used to mark the goal. All these verbs give more information than the verb phrase uLLee vaa 'come inside' and uLLee poo 'go inside'. nduzai-1 is preferably used to imply that the opening through which the moving entity enters is narrow or there is some constraint or restriction in entering through the opening or entrance or that the moving entity is align or unwelcome to the place of entering (i.e. to the goal). puku-1 also implies that there is constraint or restriction in entering through the opening or entrance or that the moving entity is alien or unwelcome to the goal or that the moving entity makes the entry with rashness. Though the first two implications are shared by nduzhai-1 also, they are strongly felt in puku-1 than in nduzai-1. piraveeci-1 is used in the written language only. It does not imply the narrowness of the opening or difficulty in entering; it may imply the alieness/foreigness of the moving entity to the goal. eeRu-1 is used with the meaning 'get in'. The verb uuTuru-1 denotes the entering of animate entities by forcing their way through the goal as in the case of an army infiltrating the territory of an alien country by forcing their way through their enemies.

eli pondt-iRk-uL nduzai-ndt-atu
rat hole_dat_inside enter_past_it
'The rat went inside the hole'

kaLLan viiTT-iRk-uL puku-ndt-aan
thief house_dat_inside enter_past_he
'The thief entered the house'

aaciriyar vakuppaRai-kk-uL piraveecittaar
teacher class-room_dat_inside enter_past_he
'The teacher entered the class'

avarkaL etirikaLin ndaaTT-iRk-uL uuTuruv-in-aarkaL
They enemies' country_dat_inside infiltrate_past_they
'They infiltrated the enemies' country'

avan pass-il eeR-in-aan
he bus_loc enter_past_he
'He boarded the bus'

- VOLITIONAL

The nduzai-2, puku-2, piraveeci-2 eeRu-2 and iRangku-1 can be grouped here as they can denote moving inside of inanimate entities like air, gas, water etc. The non-volitional movement denoted by eeRu-2 and iRangku-1 imply that there is an amount of resistance for the entering of the moving entity inside the goal due to narrowness of the opening and/or that the movement is caused by an external animate agency. For example, when air or any gaseous substance is pumped inside a tube, balloon, etc. eeRu-2 is used to denote the entry of the moving entity; even entering of water inside a boat through a leak is denoted by eeRu-2. Both eeRu-2 and iRangku-1 can be used to denote the entering of an entity by cause as in the case of a peg inside a hole.

paluun-il kaaRRu eeRu-kiR-atu
balloon_loc air enter_pres_it
'The air is entering inside the balloon'

muLai ooTTaiy-il eeRu-kiR-atu/iRangku-kiR-atu
peg hole_loc enter_pres_it/enter_pres_it
'The peg is entering inside the hole'

paTak-il taNNiir eeRu-kiR-atu
boat_loc water enter_pres_it
'The water is entering inside the boat'

nduzai-2, puku-2 and piraveeci-2 do not imply such resistance due to narrowness of the opening. nduzai-2 in certain contexts imply an animate agency which causes the entering movement. puku-2 imply abundance of the moving entity and/or the rushing of the movement. nduzai imply small quantity and/or the absence of rushing. The use of piraveeci non-volitionally is restricted to a few contexts and that too in written language.

nduul uuci tuvaaratt-il nduzai-ndt-atu
thread needle hole enter_past_it
'The thread entered through the needle hole'

taNNiir paTak-il puku-ndt-atu
water boat_loc enter_past_it
'The water has entered inside the boat'

kaaRRu jannal vaziyaak aRai-kk-uL piraveeci-tt-atu
wind window through room_dat_inside enter_past_it
'The wind entered the room through the window'

-THROUGH STIPULATED OPENING

Absence of opening implies that the movement is made by forcing a way through the medium or by piercing the medium into which the movement takes place. The verbs eeRu-3, iRangku-2, uuTuruvu-2, tuLai-1 and tuLai-2 imply that the movement is made by piercing the medium through which the movement takes place. tuLai-1 can be separated form other verbs as it implies volitional piercing and the Thus the dichotomous feature +/-VOLITIONAL distinguishes tuLai-1 from other verbs grouped here.

+VOLITIONAL

tuLai-1 is marked for this feature. The animate beings like a bee, moth, etc. which can pierce an entity and go inside it volitionally can be the subject of this verb. This is a transitive verb in which the medium through which the movement takes place is realized in accusative form.

vaNTu karNain toTaiy-ait tuLai-tt-atu
bee Karnan's thigh pierce through_past_it
'The bee pierced through Karnan's thigh'

-VOLITIONAL

The verbs eeRu-3, iRangku-2, uuTuruvu-2 and tuLai-2 are grouped here as they incorporate this feature. Generally an instrument which can be manipulated by an animate being to cut through an entity is the subject of these verbs. In the case of the verbs eeRu-3 and iRangku-2, the medium through which the movement takes place is realized in locative form (marked by locative -il) and in the case of uuTurvu-2, and tuLai-2 it is realized in accusative form. That is eeRu-3 and iRangku-2 are intransitive verbs whereas uuTuruvu-2, and tuLai-2 are transitive verbs. eeRu-3 and iRangku-2 are used to denote the entering of knife, sword, etc. when the animate entity cause the entry of the moving entity by force (i.e. by stabbing or piercing). uuTuru-2 and tuLai-2 are used to denote the entering of arrow, bullet, etc. as they pierce through the medium of entering. In the case of uuTuruvu-2 the piercing through implies coming out of medium too; this is not very much pronounced in the case of tuLai-2.

muL kaalil eeR-iy-atu
thorn leg_loc
'The thorn went inside his leg'

katti vaRR-il iRangkiyatu
knife stomach_loc
'The knife went inside his stomach'

ampu avan maarp-ai uuTuv-iy-atu
arrow his chest_acc pierced through_past_it
'The arrow pierced through this chest'

ampu avan maarp-ait tuLai-tt-atu
arrow his chest_acc pierced through_past_it
'The arrow pierced through this chest'

The semantic structure of verbs of moving inward may be represented as follows:

INWARD→+THROUGH STIPULATED OPENING; -THROUGH STIPULATED OPENING
+THROUGH STIPULATED OPENING→+VOLITIONAL;  -VOLITIONAL
+VOLITIONAL →nduzai-1, puku-1, piraveeci-1, uuTuruvu-1, eeRu-1
-VOLITIONAL →+RESISTANCE FOR ENTERING; -RESISTANCE FOR                                   ENTERING
+RESISTANCE FOR ENTERING →eeRu-2. oRangli-1
-RESISTANCE FOR ENTERING →nduzai-2, puku-2, piraveeci-2
-THROUGH STIPULATED OPENING →+VOLITIONAL; -VOLITIONAL
+VOLITIONAL; →tuLai-1
-VOLITIONAL; →eeRu-3, iRangku-2, tuLai-2

OUTWARD

The verbs veLiyeeRu-1, veLiyeeRu-2, piiRiTu, ozuku-1, ozuku-2, kaci-1, and kaci-2. All these verbs are source-oriented verbs capable of taking a source-argument which is realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu 'from'. The concept MOVING OUT can be divided into two, one involving an animate entity whose movement is volitional and the other involving an inanimate entity whose movement is not volitional. So we need to posit the dichotomous feature +/- VOLITIONAL.

+ VOLITIONAL

veLiyeeRu-1 is marked for this feature. The source-argument is realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition viTTu 'from' added to accusative case suffix -ai. Accusative + viTTu can alternate with Locative + irundtu. veLiyeeRu is more connotative than veLiyee poo 'go out' which is neutral. veLiyeeRu may imply leaving a place one for all.

avan viiTT-ai viTTu veLiyeeRinaan
he house_acc form go out_past_he
'He went out from the house'

avan viiTT-il-irundtu veLiyeeRinaan
he house_loc_form go out_past_he
'He went out from the house'

-VOLITIONAL

veLiyeeRu-2, piiRiT, ozuku-1, ozuku-2, kaci-1 and kaci-2 can be grouped here as they incorporate this feature. veLiyeeRu-2 normally implies that the movement takes place through a stipulated hole or outlet whereas the verbs piiRiTu, ozuku and kaci imply that the movement takes place through unspecified hole(s) or through small or minute holes.

+ THROUGH STIPULATED OUTLET

The verb veLiyeeRu-2 is marked for this feature. The entities which move out could be water, gas, and air and also the substances of similar nature. Source is realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu. The verb can also receive a path-argument which is marked by the postposition vaziyaaka 'through'.

pukaipookki vaziyaaka pukai veLiyeeRu-kiR-atu
chimney through smoke go out_pres_it
'The smoke is going out through the chimney'

toTTiy-il-irundtu taNNiir veLiyeeRRum tuLai vaziyaaka veLiyeeRu-kiR-atu
tank_loc_from water outlet through go out_pres_it
'The water is going out through the outlet'

- THROUGH STIPULATED OUTLET

The verbs piiRiTu, ozuku-1, ozuku-2, kaci-1 and kaci-2 do not imply a stipulated outlet through which the moving entity goes out. They may either imply small or minute hole(s) or crack(s) or a cut which serve as a opening for letting out the moving entity which could be a gas, air, water or any substance of similar quality. These verbs take a source-argument which is realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu. The moving out movement denoted by these verbs can be further distinguished based on the nature of the moving entity. The moving entity associated with these verbs can be classified into three: liquid entity, gaseous entity and granular entity (which include sugar, rice, etc.). The verbs piiRiTu, ozuku-1 and kaci can take liquid as moving entity; kaci can take gaseous entity also as moving entity; ozuku can take granular entity also as moving entity. The verb piiRiTu denotes the forceful coming out of the liquid entity i.e. spurting out or gushing out of the liquid entity. Thus the dichotomous feature +/- WITH FORCE distinguishes piiRiTu form ozuku-1, ozuku-2, kaci-1 and kaci-2.

+ WITH FORCE

The feature + WITH FORCE distinguishes piiRiTu from ozuku-1, ozuku-2 kaci-1 and kaci.

veTTappaTTa iTatt-il-irundtu taNNiir piiRiTu-kiR-atu
cut place_form water gush out_pres_it
'The blood is gushing out form the cut'

- WITH FORCE

ozuku-1, ozuku-2, kaci-1 and kaci-2 incorporate this feature. ozuku-1 denotes leaking or oozing out of a liquid; ozuku-2 denotes coming our of a granular substance from a container. kaci-1 denotes oozing out of a liquid entity and kaci-2 denotes gaseous entity. kaci-1 and kaci-2 implies that the passage through which is the moving entity comes out is minute or small and the quantity of the entity moving out is considerably less. The above factors are applicable to ozuku-1 and ozuku-2 too, but are comparatively less pronounced than kaci-1 and kaci-2.

paanaiy-il-irundtu taNNiir ozuku-kiR-atu
pot_loc_from water ooz_past_it
'Water is oozing out form the pot'

paiy-il-irundtu arici ozuku-kiR-atu
bag_loc_from rice leak_pres_it
'The rice is leaking out from the bag'

peenaav-il-irundtu maci kaci-kiR-atu
pen_loc_form ink leak_pres_it
'Ink is leaking out from the pen'

ciliNTar-il-irundtu erivaayu kaci-kiR-atu
cylinder_loc_from gas-fuel leak_pres_it
'Gas fuel is leaking out from the cylinder'

The following branching diagram incorporating the distinct features can help us to distinguish verbs of moving outward from one another.

OUTWARD→+VOLITIONAL; -VOLITIONAL
+VOLITIONAL→veLiyeeRu
-VOLITIONAL →THROUGH OUTLET; THROUGH SMALL HOLE(S)
THROUGH OUTLET →veLiyeeRu-2.
THROUGH SMALL HOLE(S) →LIQUID ENTITY; GASEOUS ENTITY; GRANULAR ENTITY
LIQUID ENTITY →+WITH FORCE; -WOTH FORCE
+WITH FORCE →piiRitu
-WITH FORCE →ozuku-1, kaci-1
GASEOUS ENTITY →kaci-2
GRANULAR ENTITY →ozuku-2

NEAR

The verbs nderungku, aNuku, aTu, aNai and aNTu are grouped here as they denote the moving on an entity near to a place. All these verbs are transitive verbs in which the goal is realized in accusative form. The movement is goal oriented and the goal is marked for accusative case. Among these verbs only nderungku is used in written language. If the subject and the goal of aNuku are persons, it implies that the entity moves to the goal with the intention of getting protection, shelter, etc. Regarding the closeness of nearing the goal, aNai implies more closeness than aTu; aTu implies more closeness than nderungku.

avan anda ndaaTT-ai nderungk-in-aan
he that country_acc go near_past_he
'He went near the country'

avan paNttiR-ku veeNTi avaL-ai aNuk-in-aan
he money_dat for she_acc go near_past_he
'He approached her for money'

avan andta viiTT-ai aTu-tt-aan
he that house_acc go near_past_he
'He went near the house'

avan andta ndaaTT-ai aNai-ndt-aan
he that country go near_past_he
'He went near the country'

FORWARD

The verb munneeRu incorporates this feature. munneeRu is different from munee poo 'go in front' by implying the fact that the moving forward is made aiming at a definite goal. The goal can be realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition ndookki 'towards' which is added to accusative form.

paTaikaL etirikaL-ai ndokki munneeRu-kinR-ana
army enemies_acc towards go forward_pres_they
'The army is advancing towards the enemies'

BACKWARD

The verb pinvaangku incorporates this feature. pinvaangku is different form pinnee poo 'go back' by implying withdrawal from a point or position reached by advancement. The goal can be realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu 'from'.

paTaikaL poorkaLatt-il etirikaL irukkummiTatt-il-irundtu pinvaangk-in-a
army battlefiled_loc go enemies staying place_loc_from backward_past_they
'The army retreated from the enemies' position in the battle field'

BEHIND

The verbs toTar 'follow', turattu 'chase' and viraTTu 'chase incorporate this feature. They come into comparison as they denote moving immediately or shortly after someone or something. toTar is the comprehensive term; it usually implies the lead or guidance of an entity which is moving in front. turattu and viraTTu denotes the fast pursuit in order to catch a fleeing entity or to drive away an opposing entity. These are transitive verbs in which the goal is marked for accusative case. These verbs cannot be strictly grouped under directional verbs of movement.

avaL avan-ait toTar-ndt-aaL
she he_acc follow_past_ she
'She followed him

avan avaL-ait turatt-in-aan
he she_acc chase_past_he
'He chased her'

puli muayal-ai viraTT-iy-atu
tiger rabbit_acc chase_past_it
'The tiger chased the rabbit'

UPWARD

The verbs eeRu-4, eeRu-5, eeRu-6, kuti, tuLLu-1, tuLLu-2, tattu, ezu, ezumpu, kiLampu and uyar are marked for this feature. These verbs can be grouped into two based on the binary feature +/- VOLITIONAL. The verb eeRu-4, eeRu-5, tuLLu-1, tattu, taavu incorporate +VOLITIONAL and eeRu-6, ezu, ezumpu, kiLampu incoporate -VOLITIONAL.

+VOLITIONAL

The verb eeRu-4 denotes upward movement of an animate entity by means of different methods of movement such as walking, running, crawling, etc. eeRu-4 takes a locative-argument which is marked for locative -il or locative postposition meel 'over'; it also can take a locative-argument marked for the postposition varai 'up to'; it can take an adjunct denoting distance too. eeRu-4 implies that the medium on which the movement takes place is manipulated by using legs and/or hands. The climbing up is progressive unlike tuLLu-1 in which the moving up is momentary.

+PROGRESSIVE

The verb eeRu-4 is marked for this feature.

avan maratt-il eeR-in-aan
he tree_loc climb_past_he
'He climbed up the tree'

avan marattin-meel eeR-in-aan
he hill_on climb_past_he
'He climbed up the tree'

avan marattin ucci-varai eeR-in-aan
he tree top_up to climb_past_he
'He climbed up to the top of the tree'

avan malaiy-il pattukiloomiiTTar tuuram eeR-in-aan
he hill_loc ten kilometers distance climb_past_he
'He climbed ten kilometers up on the hill'

-PROGRESSIVE

The verbs eeRu-5, tuLLu-1, tattu, are taavu are marked for this feature. eeRu-5 denotes climb on something by a sudden movement. eeRu-5 is different form tuLLu-1, tattu and taavu in the manipulation of legs/limbs and ground. In the case of eeRu-5, the moving up is by steps and one on the legs is always on the location, where as in the case of tuLLu-2, tattu and taavu both the legs (or all the limbs) are in air till the moving entity reaches the goal. eeRu-5 is different form eeRu-4 in the sense that it does not imply the progressive movement covering a considerable distance. The goal is either marked by the locative -il or by the postposition meel. tuLLu-1 'jump up' denotes the momentary upward movement of animate entities as they volitionally propel their body by manipulating their legs (and hands) and the ground. The downward movement due to gravitational force is presupposed. This verb is intransitive and can take an adjunct denoting upward direction (i.e. meelee) or a height. tattu denotes the hopping movement of animate entities like grass hopper, frog etc. It normally does not take the source-argument carrying the postposition irundtu and the adjunct denoting upward direction. taavu denotes upward movement from lower place to upper place. It can take a source-argument realized as postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu 'from', a goal realized as postpositional phrase carrying the postposition meel or an adjunct denoting upward direction (meelee) or a case phrase marked for dative case.

avan kutirai-in meel eeRinaan
he horse_obl on climb_past_he
'He climbed on the horse'

avan kutirai-il eeR-in-aan
he horse_loc mount_past_he
'He mounted on the horse'

avaL pass-il eeR-in-aaL
she bus_loc climb_past_she
'She boarded the bus'

avan tuLL-in-aan
he jump_past_he
'He jumped up'

avan meelee tuLL-in-aan
he above jump_past_he
'He jumped above'

avan pattaTi uyaram tuLLinaan
he ten feet height jump_past_he
'He jumped to a height of ten feet'

tavaLait tatti tattic ce-nR-atu
frog hop_advp hop_advp go_fut
'The frog went by hopping'

*tavaLai taraiy-il-irundtu meelee tatt-iy-atu
frog ground_loc_from upward hop_past_it

avan taraiy-il-irundtu kutirai-meel taav-in-aan
he ground_loc_from horse_on jump over_past_he
'He jumped over the horse from the ground'

avan kiizee irundtu meelee taav-in-aan
he below from over jumpover_past_he
'He jumped above from below'

avan kiizee irundtu marattiR-ku taav-in-aan
he below from tree_dat jump over_past_he
'He jumped up to the tree from below'

-VOLITIONAL

The verbs eeRu-6 'rise up', ezu 'rise up', ezumpu 'rise up', kiLampu 'rise up' and uyar 'rise up' are grouped here as they incorporate this feature. Among these verbs uyar is the most comprehensive term. It can be interchanged with all the other verbs, but often at the sacrifice of specificity. Thus we can have the dichotomous feature + SPECIFIC vs. - SPECIFIC to distinguish uyar from other verbs grouped here.

+ SPECIFIC

The verb eeRu-6 specifically denotes rising up movement of aeroplane, kite, flag, liquid in a tube, etc.; eeRu-6 implies the manipulation of air medium for ascending as in the case of aeroplane, kite, etc. ezu, ezumpu and kiLampu denote rising up movement of smoke, dust, smoke, etc. from below; they do not imply the manipulation of the air medium. tuLLu-2 denote rising up movement of a ball (or entities of similar sort) after impact on the ground. All these verbs can take a source realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu; they can also take the adjunct denoting upward direction (meelee 'over').

vimaanataLtt-il-irundtu vimmanam eeRu-kiR-atu
runway aero plane take off_pres_it
'The plane is taking off from the runway'

paTTam eeRukiRatu
kite climb up_pres_it
'The kite is climbing up'

koTi eeRu-kiR-atu
flag rise up_ pres_it
'The flag is rising up'

kaaRRu aTittu tuuci meelee ezu-ndt-atu/ezump-iy-atu/kiLamp-iy-atu
wind blow_advp dust over rise up_past-it
'Due to the blow of wind, the dust particles rose up'

tiiy-il-irundtu pukai ezu-ndt-atu/ezump-iy-atu/kiLamp-iy-atu
fire_loc_from smoke rise up_past_it
'The fire rose up from the fire'

pandtu taraiy-il paTTu tuLL-iy-atu
ball ground touc_advp rise up_past_it
'Having touched the ground the ball rise up'

-SPECIFIC

uyar 'rise up' is marked for this feature. It denotes moving from lower level to higher level.

ndiir maTTam uyar-ndt-atu
water level rise up_past_it
'The water level rose up'

The following diagram depicts the semantic structure of verbs of upward movement.

UPWARD→+VOLITIONAL; -VOLITIONAL
+VOLITIONAL→+PROGRESSIVE, eeRu-4; -PROGRESSIVE, eeRu-5, tuLLu, taavu, tattu
-VOLITIONAL →+SPECIFIC; -SPECIFIC
+SPECIFIC →aeroplane, kite, flag, liquid in a tube as moving entity, eeRu-6
+SPECIFIC →smoke or dust or the like as moving entity, ezu, esempu, kiLampu
+SPECIFIC →ball or the like as moving entity, tuLLu-2
-SPECIFIC uyar

DOWNWARD

The verbs izi, vaTi-1, vaTi-2, iRangku-3, iRangku-4, iRangku-5, iRangku-6, pey, tuuRRu, koTTu-1, koTTu-2, vizu, mungku, muuzku, amiz, taaz-1, taaz-2, aaz, putai, utir and vizu are grouped here. The important distinction one can find out by analyzing the meanings of these verbs is that some of the verbs denote downward movement of liquid entity. Thus we have the diagnostic dichotomous feature +/- LIQUID AS THE MOVING ENTIYT.

+LIQUID AS THE MOVING ENTITY

The verbs izi 'flow down' vazi 'flow down', vaTi-1 'flow down', vaTi-2 'flow down in small quantity', iRangku-3 'flow down' pey 'fall as rain', tuuRu 'fall as rain', tuuRRu 'fall as rain', pozi 'fall as rain in abundance' koTTu-1 'fall as rain in abundabce' koTTu-2 'fall in abundance', vizu, utir are grouped here. The liquid entity moves down in two ways: one is the flowing down of liquid which implies its contact with the surface through which it moves down; the other is the falling down of the liquid which implies the absence of surface contact. The first movement is marked for the feature +SURFACE CONTACT and the other is marked for - SURFACE CONTACT.

+SURFACE CONTACT

The verbs izi 'flow down' vazi 'flow down', vaTi-1 'flow down', iRangku-3 'flow down' are grouped here. izi is used only in the written language; it implies that the movement is from a long distance of greater height (i.e. mountain , etc.). In the spoken language iRangku-3 can replace izi, but with the loss of picturesqueness. vaTi-1 and vazi implies that the movement down is from a short distance of lesser height. These verbs can take a source realized as a postpositional phrase carrying postposition irundtu 'from'. They can take an adjunct indicating the downward movement which is redundant (i.e. kiizee 'down').

malaiy-il-irundtu taNNiir izi-kiR-atu
hill_loc_from water flow down_pres_it
'The water flows down from the hill'

malaiy-il-irundtu taNNiir iRangku-kiR-atu
hill_loc_from water flow down_pres_it
'The water flows down from the hill'

paanaiy-il-irundtu pall pongki vaTi-kiR-atu/vazi-kiR-atu
pot_loc_form milk boil up_advpar flow down_pres_it
'Having boiled the milk is flowing down from the pot'

- SURFACE CONTACT

The verbs pey, tuuRu, tuuRRu, pozi, koTTu-1, vizu-1, vizu-2 and vaTi-2 are grouped here as they incorporate this feature. The liquid which falls down or flows down need to be distinguished into two as some of the verbs are specially meant for denoting the falling down of rain. So we need to have the dichotomous feature +/- RAIN AS THE MOVING ENTITY.

+ RAIN AS THE MOVING ENTITY.

The verbs pey, tuuRu, tuuRRu, pozi and koTTu-1 incorporate this feature. pey express raining in general. pozi and koTTu-1 suggest heavy raining and tuuRu and tuuRRu drizzling. The use of pozi is restricted to literary/written language. Unlike the English verb rain, these verbs are capable of receiving mazai 'rain' as their subject. They can take a source-argument which is realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu 'from'; they can take a goal-argument which is realized as a locative case form (marked for -il).

mazai pey-kiR-atu
'rain fall_pres_it
'It rains'

vaanatt-il-irundtu mazai viLaindilatt-il peykiRatu
sky_loc_from rain cultivatable land fall_past_it'
The rain is falling down on the cultivatable land from the sky'

mazai tuuRu-kiR-atu/tuuRRu-kiR-atu
rain drizzle_pres_it
'It is drizzling'

mazai pozi-kiR-atu/koTTu-kiR-atu
rain pour down_pres_it
'It is pouring down'

- RAIN AS THE MOVING ENTITY

vizu-1, koTTu-2, and vaTi-2 are marked for this feature. vizu-1 is the colourless among the three. koTTu-2 implies falling down in large quantity and vaTi-2 in drops or in small quantity. They can take a source-argument which is realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu 'from'; they can take a goal-argument which is realized as a locative case form (marked for -il) or an adjunct denoting downward direction/lower place.

meelee-irundtu taNNiir vizu-kiR-atu
above_from water fall down_pres_it
'The water is falling down from above

meelee-irundtu taNNiir koTTu-kiR-atu
above_from water pour down_pres_it
'The water is falling down in large quantity form above'

kuzaay-il-irundtu taNNiir coTTu coTTaay vaTi-kiR-atu
tap_loc_from water drops_adv fall_pres_it
The water is trickling down from the tap'

-LIQUID AS THE MOVING ENTITY

The verbs iRangku-4, caaTu, kuti, taaz-1, utir, vizu-2, mungku, muuzku, amiz, taaz-2, and putai can be grouped here as they incorporate this feature. They can be further classified into three based on the medium in which the downward movement takes place. The medium could be air, liquid and mud or sand. Thus we have the tripartite feature: +AIR AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT +LIQUID AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT, + MUD/SAND AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT.

+AIR AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT

The verbs iRangku-4, iRangku-5, taaz-1, utir and vizu-2 are marked for this feature. They can be sub-grouped into two based on the factor whether the moving entity is animate which involves in the downward movement volitionally or not. Thus we have the dichotomous feature +/- VOLITIONAL.

+VOLITIONAL

The verbs iRangku-4, iRangku-5, caaTu and kuti are marked for this feature. iRangku-5 implies that the medium on which the movement takes place is manipulated by using legs and/or hands. The climbing down is progressive unlike kuti and caaTu in which the moving down is momentary. Thus the dichotomous feature +/- PROGRESSIVE distinguishes iRangku-5 form kuti and caaTu.

+PROGRESSIVE

The verb iRangku-5 is marked for this feature. It can be more or less an exact antonym of eeRu-1. It denotes downward movement of an animate entity by means of different methods of movement such as walking, running, crawling, etc. It takes a source which is realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu 'from'; it also can take a goal which is realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition varai 'up to' or as a dative case phrase or an adjunct denoting downward direction/lower place; it can take an adjunct denoting distance too.

avan maratt-il-irudntu kiizee iRangk-in-aan
he tree_loc_from below climb_past_he
'He climbed down from the tree'

avan malaiyin ucciy-il-irundtu aTivaarattiR-ku iRangk-in-aan
he hill top_loc_ form foot_dat climb down_past_he
'He climbed down from the top to the foot of the hill'

avan malai ucciy-il-irundtu pattukiloomiiTTar tuuram iRangk-in-aan
he hill top_loc_from ten kilometers distance below climb_down _past_he
'He climbed down ten kilometers from the top of the hill'

-PROGRESSIVE

The verbs iRangku-5, kuti, and caaTu are marked for this feature. These verbs are intransitive verbs and can take a source-argument realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu 'from'; they can also take a goal marked for locative -il or a spatial adjunct denoting downward direction/lower place. iRangku-5 denotes climbing/stepping down from something momentarily. Here the progressive movement covering a considerable distance is not implied. kuti-1 'jump down' and caaTu 'jump down' denote momentary upward (due to the volitional impact of the legs and/or hands/limbs against the ground) followed downward movement of animate entities. They imply that the moving entity remains in air with both the legs not touching the location till reaching the goal. But in the case of iRangku-5, though the moving down is momentary, the one of the legs is always in touch with the location (i.e. moving down is a stepping down process).

avan kutirai-il-irundtu kizee iRangk-in-aan
he horse_loc_form below climb down_pres_he
'He climbed down from the horse'

avaL pass-il-irundtu iRangk-in-aaL
she bus_loc_from get down_past_she
'She got down from the bus'

avan maratt-il-irundtu kiizee kuti-tt-aan/caaT-in-anaan
he tree_loc_form down jump down_past_he
'He jump down from the tree'

avaL matil-il-irundtu taraiy-il kuti-tt-aaL/caaT-in-aaL
she wall ground_loc jump down_past_she
'She jumped down from the wall'

-VOLITIONAL

The verbs iRangku-6, taaz-1, utir, vizu-2 can be grouped here as they incorporate this feature. Two types of non-volitional downward movements can be seen: one is a kind of controlled movement which does not entirely depend on gravitational force; another is an uncontrolled movement which is entirely due to gravitational force. Thus we have the dichotomous feature, +CONTROLLED vs -CONTROLLED.

+CONTROLLED

The verbs iRangku-6 and taaz-1 are groped here. The controlled movement can be seen as absolute (or completive) with the implication of reaching the stipulated goal (absolute downward movement) or relative without the implication of reaching the stipulated course (i.e. a relative downward movement). Thus we have the binary feature, +ABSOLUTE vs. -ABSOLUTE.

+ABSOLUTE

iRangku-6 is marked for this feature. It is used to denote the downward movement of kite, aeroplane kite, flag, etc. resulting in reaching the ground. It can also take a source-argument realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu 'form'; it can also take a goal which is marked for locative -il or an adjunct denoting lower place.

aakaaya vimaanam taraiy-il iRangk-iy-atu
aeroplane ground_loc land_past_it
'The aeroplane landed on the ground'

paTTam meelee-irundtu kiizee iRangk-iy-atu
kite higher place_from below lower down_past-it
'The kite lowered down to the ground from a height'

-ABSOLUTE

taaz-1 is marked for this feature. It can take a source-argument realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu 'form'; it can also take a goal which is an adjunct denoting downward direction/lower place.

paTTam meeleey-irundtu kiizee taaz-ndt-atu
kite higher place_loc_form below lower_past_it
'The kite lowered down form a height'

-CONTROLLED

vizu-2 and utir incorporate this feature denoting the falling down of an entity. utir implies that the entity which is attached to a base detaches form it and falls down. vizu-2 does imply attaching of the moving entity to a base. It can take a source-argument realized as a postpositional phrase carrying the postposition irundtu 'form'; it can also take a goal-argument which is marked for locative -il or an adjunct denoting lower place.

avan maratt-ili-rundtu kizee vinzu-ndt-aan
he tree_from ground fall_past_he
'He fell down to the ground from the tree'

maratt-.il-irundtu puukkaL utir-kinR-ana
tree_loc_from flowers fall_pres_they
'The flowers are falling down from the tree'

+LIQUID AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT

The verbs mungku, muuzku, amiz, taaz-2 and aaz are grouped here. Among all these verbs mungku is the most comprehensive term; in some of its contexts it implies partial immersion; sometimes it suggests volitional and momentary plunging into water (or any other liquid). muuzku on other hand denotes complete immersing; it implies in certain contexts covering an entity by water as in inundation. amiz, taaz-2 and aaz imply non-volitional immersion. aaz implies the immersion of the moving entity deep into the water (or any other liquid) and thus differ form amiz and taaz. All these verbs take a locative-argument (marked for locative -il) denoting the medium in which the downward movement takes place.

avan taNNiir-il mungk-in-aan
he water_loc dip_past_he
'He dipped into the water'

kappal kaTal-il muuzk-iy-atu
ship sea_loc drown_past_it
'The ship drowned in the sea'

veLLapperukkatt-aal pala viiTukaL taNNiir-il muuzk-in-a
flood_inst many housed water_loc submerge_past_they
'Many housed submerged under the water by the flood'

kal taNNiir-il amiz-ndt-atu/ taazn-dt-atu/ mungk-iy-atu
stone water_loc sink_past_it
'The stone sank in the water'

kal taNNiir-il aaz-ndt-atu
stone water_loc sink_past_it
'The stone sank deep into the water'

+MUD OR SAND AS THE MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT

putai incorporates this feature. It denotes burring of an entity in loose soil or mud.

vaNNiyin cakkarangkaL maNalil putaindtana
cart_obl wheels sand_loc bury_past_they
'The wheels of the cart buried in the sand'

The following diagram depicts the distinguishing features which help us to sub-classify the verbs of upward movement.

UPWARD→+LIQUID AS THE MOVING ENTITY; -LIQUID AS THE MOVING ENTITY*
+LIQUID ENTITY→+SURFACE CONTACT, -SURFACE CONTACT
+LIQUID ENTITY→+SURFACE CONTACT, izi, vaTi-1, vazi, iRangku-3
+LIQUID ENTITY→-SURFACE CONTACT
-SURFACE CONTACT→ +RAIN AS MOVING ENTITY; -RAIN AS MOVING ENTITY
+RAIN AS MOVING ENTITY→ pey, tuuRu, tuRRu, pozi, koTTu
-RAIN AS MOVING ENTITY→ vizu, koTTu, vaTi-2
-LIQUID AS THE MOVING ENTITY* → +AIR AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT; +LIQUID AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT;   +MUD OR SAND AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT
+AIR AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT→ +VOLITIONAL; -VOLITIONAL
+VOLITIONAL→ +PROGRESSIVEiRangku-4
+VOLITIONAL -PROGRESSIVE→ 
-VOLITIONAL→ +CONTROLLED; -CONTROLLED
+CONTROLLED→ +ABSOLUTE; -ABSOLUTE
+ABSOLUTE→ iRangku-6
-ABSOLUTE→ taaz-1
-CONTROLLED→  utir, vizu
*-LIQUID AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT* →nbsp;+LIQUID AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT
+LIQUID AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT* →nbsp;mungku, muuzku, amiz, taaz-2, aaz
*-LIQUID AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT* →nbsp;+MUD OR SAND AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT
+MUD OR SAND AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT* → putai

Epilogue

The distinguishing features which help us to understand the semantic structure of directional verbs of movement involve the semantic features of the following types: denotative components, connotative components, selectional restrictions and collocational restrictions. The semantic features which help us to distinguish one verb from another are listed below:

1. Features pertaining to the manner of movement: +/- PROGRESSIVE, +/-VOLITIONAL, +/0 BACK TO ONE-TIME SOURCE, +/- WITH FORCE, +/- CONTROLLED, +/- ABSOLUTE.
2. Features pertaining to the medium or path of movement: +/- THROUGH STIPULATED OPENING, + THROUGH AN OUTLET, + THROUGH SMALL HOLE(S), +/- SURFACE CONTACT + AIR AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT, + LIQUID AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT, + MUD AS MEDIUM OF MOVEMENT
3. Features pertaining to the moving entities: +/- ANIMATE (This dichotomous feature is subsumed under +/-VOLITIONAL), +/-LIQUID AS MOVING ENTITY, +GRANULAR MOVING ENTIY, +/-RAIN AS MOVING ENTITY, +CERTAIN SPECIFIC FEATUES OF MOVING ENTITY
4. Deictic properties of person, place and time.

*** *** ***

NOTES

1. Nida (1975a & 1975b), Lehrer (1974) and Lyons (1963 & 1977) deal in details about componential analysis of meaning.
2. Dixon (1971) discusses the drawbacks of both componential analysis and definitional approach employed in dictionaries.
3. The present analysis is based on the data collected for my Ph.D. work with the aim to find out the componential features of verbs of Tamil.
4. Rajendran (1978) groups Tamil verbs under certain semantic domains and deals in details about the semantic structure of Tamil verbs based on componential analysis and definitional approach of meaning.
5. The transitive forms of these verbs and the other inherent transitive verbs which denote the moving of the object caused by the subject are not taken care of here in order to keep the neatness of pattern and to avoid complications. Of course they can be incorporated with slight changes in the semantic structure.

REFERENCE

Annamalai, E. 1975. 'The Semantics of verbs vaa and poo in Tamil'. Indian Linguistics 36.3:212-16.

Dixon, R.M.W. 1971. 'A Method of Semantic Description'. In: Steinberg, D.D. and Jakobovits, L.A. (ed.). Semantics. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Leherer, A. 1974. Semantic Fields and Lexical Structure. London: North Holland Publishing Company.

Lyons, J. 1963. Structural Semantics. Oxford: Blackwell.

----------. 1975. Semantics (vol. 1). New York: Cambridge University Press.

Nida, E.A. 1975a. Componential of meaning: An Introduction to Semantic Structure. The Hague: Mouton.

--------------1975b. Exploring Semantic Structures. Munchen: Wilhelm, Finkverlag.

Rajendran, S. 1978. Syntax and Semantics of Tamil Verbs. Ph.D. Thesis. Poona: University of Poona.

---------------- 1981. 'Semantic Structure of Tamil Verbs'. In: 13th All India Tamil Teacher's Association Conference aayvukkovai Vol 2.305-310.

---------------- 1983. 'Coming and Going in Tamil' To Greater Heights. Mysore: CIIL. 83-118.

Ullman, S. 1957. The principles of Semantics. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I am thankful to Dr. Tsuyoshi Nara, Professor of Seisen University, Tokyo, for going through the previous version of this paper and giving his suggestions.

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