LANGUAGE IN INDIA

A STUDY OF BEGGING IN INDIAN CONTEXTS
An Analysis of Tamil Situation
M. S. Thirumalai, Ph.D.

1. PRELUDE

In this article I seek to understand the reasons for the widespread occurrence of begging in Indian communities, beyond the obvious reason of abject poverty as the causative factor. I restrict myself to an elucidation of the widespread begging process among the Tamils, trying to place this process within Tamil literary and religious traditions. Conclusions that I draw from this discussion may be largely valid for other Indian communities, and may be supported by Sanskrit texts such as the Code of Manu (Manu Smriti). But that is not my purpose in writing this article.

2. BEGGING IN INDIA

Is there a town in India where there are no beggars? Is there a place of worship in India where you do not find people asking for alms? It used to be said in the past that, for various reasons, there were no beggars in the towns and villages of north-eastern India, especially in Nagaland, Manipur Hills, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Meghalaya, and Sikkim. It used to be said that there were no beggars in Punjab. But such times and places seem to have disappeared.

It appears to me that begging in public places has rather increased over the decades, although I may be wrong in my assessment of the situation.

Forms of begging, and language used to beg have also changed. Moreover, it has become commonplace that beggars travel a lot from one place to another and from one state to another frequently, and employ a variety of anecdotes to milk the gullible. An interesting collection of begging tales is available in Kamat's Potpourri.

Since begging is still considered a shame, beggars move to places and states where their original family identity cannot be easily recognized by people from whom they seek alms. Some beggars are professional beggars in the sense that begging becomes a chosen profession for them. The earnings they make through begging are carefully saved and sent home to support the other family members. However, the number of people who beg out of indigent circumstances still appears to be very large in India.

3. MANY REASONS FOR BEGGING

How is it that begging is so widely prevalent, despite the shame attached to it? Apart from the major factor of poverty as a very important contributing cause for the continuing institution of begging, there is a religious angle to it, and this angle is shared by major Indian religions, including Hinduism, Islam, and Buddhism.

While didactic literature (literature that is designed to teach or intended to make moral observations) in Indian languages certainly condemns begging as a means of livelihood, we also notice that such literature condemns equally those who refuse to give alms to those who beg. Because of this, people in India develop an ambivalent attitude toward begging and beggars. We experience a tension in our minds between begging, beggars, and our reluctance to support begging through giving alms. Ultimately, most of us, either because of some guilt in our mind, or fear of religious sanctions that may await us in the future (in our present life as well as in life after death) if we do not give alms to the beggars, we part with a little bit of our money or even food, and then simultaneously feel satisfied that we did our part, and feel angry at the beggars. This tension, I believe, is an integral part of Indian socialization. Our linguistic and non-linguistic behavior clearly reveals this process.

4. DICTIONARY DEFINITION OF BEGGING

The Shorter Oxford Dictionary of English on Historical Principles cites the following uses for beg, beggar, beggarly, beggary and begging.

• To ask (bread, money, etc.) in alms, to ask alms, especially to live by asking alms.
• To ask as a favor.
• To ask humbly, or supplicating, entreat.
• In beg pardon, excuse, leave, etc., often a courteous mode of asking what is expected, or even of asking what is expected, or even taking as a matter of course.
• To take for granted without warrant.
• One who asks alms, especially habitually.
• One in needy circumstances.
• One who begs a favor, a supplicant.
• Mean or low fellow.
• Mendicants; mendicancy.
• To make a beggar of; to impoverish.
• To exhaust the resources of, out do.
• In the condition of, or befitting a beggar, indigent, mean, extreme poverty.
• The action or habit of asking earnestly.

In a way, the dictionary definitions for the English words somewhat characterize the situation in India, but there are a few special Indian features that are not accounted here. I will take up these special features as we go along with our discussion below.

5. ON BEGGING IN CLASSICAL TAMIL LITERATURE OF THE PRE-CHRISTIAN ERA

In Tamil, begging in the sense of asking for and receiving gifts based on one's real, presumed, or pretended talents from a donor was a focus of literary composition even in the ancient classics of the early and pre-Christian era.

PattuppaaTTu is an anthology of ten idylls (Idyll means "simple descriptive work in poetry or prose that deals with rustic life or pastoral scenes or suggests a mood of peace and contentment" as defined by the Merriam-Webster Dictionary), written in that era. Out of the ten idylls, five focus on the theme of asking for and receiving gifts from the donors. These ancient Tamil literary compositions of pre-Christian era belong to the literary genre called aaRRuppaTai in which a bard or minstrel is recommended to go to a patron to solicit material help from him, by another person who has already gone to this patron and enjoyed his bountiful patronage. To reach the patron's place one may have to go through jungles, deserts, etc., and overcome other environmental/natural obstacles, but once you reach there you are well cared for in all respects and you return with all kinds of gifts ranging from elephants to fine jewelry and clothes.

While these five idylls are long poems and are independent "books," thus signifying the elevation of the subject as a wholesome matter for a single and specific literary genre, there are also many poems, single poems of a few lines, that also dwell upon this theme of seeking a patron and getting one's abject poverty removed or reduced.

The characters that seek gifts are not portrayed with contempt, but with sympathy and understanding. The purpose of the genre or the poem is eulogy of the donor/patron, but the depiction of the poverty faced by the professionals-dancers, poets, musicians and actors and actresses with their kith and kin-and the directions by which these professionals can proceed and reach the habitat of the patron, the gifts that the patron would certainly bestow on them are all quite descriptive, and are given in straightforward poetry with no contempt.

6. THE YEARNING OF THE SOUL

The potentiality of this same literary genre for depicting the poverty of the soul yearning for salvation or union with Godhead has been recognized and exploited even in one of these five long poems. In other words, seeking gifts (or begging) for secular purpose and begging with a religious motive have been recognized in early times; recognition that begging is a sign (that it stands for something else) is, thus, already established.

7. THOSE WHO SEEK GIFTS NEED NOT BE TALENTED BARDS OR DANCERS, ETC.

"Living by gifts" is the phrase used to depict the life portrayed in the literary genre discussed above. But the most interesting feature is as follows: It is clearly emphasized that the professionals who solicit gifts need not be adept in their own field of specialization-dancing, poetry, instrumental/vocal music and acting. It is enough that they perform with whatever talents they have in praise of the patron and ask for "gifts." It is clearly said that these people mean no harm, and that they live by the gifts they receive. They do not care to save, since by nature they distribute what they get from the patron among their kith and kin. They are like the lilies of the field, if you allow me to stretch the biblical phrase to some extent.

Thus, some groups of people were expected to live on the gifts received as a right, as the rightful way of living and they were not looked down upon, at least as far as the literary texts indicate.

8. BEGGING BECOMES A SIGN

Begging, then, becomes a sign, an identity marker for these groups. But their sign value is seen not in the function of being an identity marker for the groups but in preserving and cultivating the institution of patronage and donor. This fact is clearly recognized and explicitly stated in sonnet-like single poems of a few lines that abound in ancient classical Tamil literary anthologies (Sangam literature), but not in the long poems mentioned above. Therein it is clearly stated that those (the donors/patrons) who give are not great because they give, but they are considered great, or they attain greatness, mainly because their gifts are accepted by the bards, dancers, poets, et al. If there were none to seek, receive, and accept gifts from them, they would have no opportunity to be considered great.

This elevation of begging as a sign having its value linked not with begging per se but with giving is illustrated in the didactic works that prescribe ideal social norms, which lists ideal socialization processes. These didactic works were written in Tamil later than the above mentioned Sangam literary pieces that include the five idylls I mentioned earlier.

The works within the aaRRuppaTai genre (to which the five idylls mentioned above belong) and the sonnet-like single poems of a few lines that praise donors and receiving gifts to alleviate the poverty conditions pre-date the focused didactic literature in Tamil. In other words, we find that certain social rules relating to begging and donors were there even before the formal didactic rules and regulations relating to appropriate living (that looks down upon begging as a way of secular living) were formulated.

These didactic works have, however, greater force, even today, in prescribing ideal socialization norms. Incidentally, the notions on begging and donors are one of the very few concepts that have a continuity, an unbroken chain of continuity, all through the Tamil literary history from early secular Sangam classics to didactic works to various religious texts as well as in current social behavior.

9. THE TENSION BETWEEN BEGGING AND PATRONAGE

The dialectic between patronage and begging is well set in the classics of the early and pre-Christian era, which is continued, in all later works in its basic details.

A short poem in PuRanaanuuRu of the early and pre-Christian era states this succinctly: To beg is insulting enough, but to say that I will not give is a greater insult to the one who begs; to give is noble but to say that I do not need it/I do not take it is nobler still. This literary dictum has been further elaborated in didactic works, elevating begging as a sign that becomes far superior to giving in some respects. Also we will see later that certain additions to the above-cited statement on begging and donors have been added.

10. THE INSTITUTION OF DONORS

The literary tradition in Tamil identifies and glorifies the institution of donors. Instances are cited as to how these great donors gave whatever they had to humans, animals, plants and so on. Special mention is always made of their deeds in suggestive details.

11. BEGGING AND GIVING AS SOCIAL DICTA: ROLE IN SOCIALIZATION

We saw already that, in ancient Tamil tradition, begging is seen as a corresponding facet of giving. The dialectical relation between the need for giving and the advice against begging is brought out clearly in various Tamil didactic works. For example, TirukkuRaL, an early Christian era didactic work, has chapters on begging, on the need to refrain from begging, and on donors. The burden of argument and advice is as follows:

1. Since begging is a sin, beg only those who deserve to be begged, for if they refuse, it becomes their sin and not yours.
2. It is a pleasure for one to beg if what is begged is given without insult. Begging has its own charm and respect if it is done before those who do not hide what they have and give unhesitatingly, appreciating the agony the pleader experiences in the process of his begging.
3. Even begging is as good as giving when it is done before those who do not pretend, even in their dreams, to have nothing to give.
4. People do not mind begging, in spite of the agony and insult, the act of begging gives to them, because fortunately there are people who give no sooner than the needy individuals come and stand before them in the begging posture. That is, do not make one to beg, but give what they want. Develop an intuitive appreciation of their needs and give on your own.
5. If there were no people to beg, this world would be operating as a puppet. It would not be a living earth.
6. What fame will there be for those who tend to give if there were no people to go and ask for things from them?
7. The beggar should not get angry and abuse those who refuse to give.
8. It is a million times better if one does not beg, even those who do not pretend that they have nothing to give. Do not beg even those who are always ready to give.
9. There is nothing more despicable than an individual's decision to beg just because he is under abject poverty. It is despicable because he decides on begging as the instrument to discard his poverty rather than making every effort to overcome his conditions of poverty through other means.
10. The greatness of an individual who does not go to another to beg even when he has absolutely nothing to eat is so large that this earth does not have sufficient space to hold it.
11. Even the poorest meal of watery rice (porridge) is excellent if it is earned through hard labor and effort (and not obtained through begging).
12. I shall beg all those who beg, "Please do not go and beg those who pretend that they have nothing to give."

12. ACCEPTANCE OF BEGGING IS AN EMPHASIS ON GIVING

It is clear from the summary presented here that even in places where begging is to be described and decried, the didactic text emphasizes and focuses our attention on donors, on the characteristic of giving. It is also made clear that begging acts as a relief for the act of giving, which is to be desired. It is also clear that begging is admissible, but it is to be pursued under certain conditions and with individuals who do not pretend that they have nothing to give. The emphasis is on giving and on refraining from begging.

13. BEGGING - A SIGN FOR POVERTY

Begging is to be resorted to, however, for survival when nothing else is possible. At this very stage the act of begging becomes a sign, for, it no longer focuses on the main purpose of getting the things needed, but as a sign interpreted by the person addressed and/or appealed to as indicating the condition that the one who begs cannot otherwise survive and hence needs to be supported. It also becomes a sign to the person addressed and/or appealed to that here is an opportunity for one to give for giving's sake and to earn fame (the two ultimate goals of living for an individual according to the didactic work TirukkuRaL).

Since what is emphasized is not only the avoidance of begging, but also a permission to beg under certain circumstances and from certain individuals, begging as an institution is not eliminated, but assigned certain specific functions as a survival mechanism for the despaired. Herein lies the realistic description of social conditions; herein lies the continuity of the institution of begging at various levels and with varied functions; herein lies the reason for widespread occurrence of begging as a social behavior.

14. RECEIVING AND GIVING

Also because giving is a virtue that everyone should possess, receiving has to be institutionalized in some manner and respected so that the institution of receiving will continue, to strengthen the institution of giving. This particular didactic work, TirukkuRaL, however, stops short of eulogizing begging and giving some specific function to it except that begging is a relief to highlight giving.

The respectability for the institution of begging is to be found in other planes, not in this secular didactic work.

15. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN BEGGING AND HUNGER

Before we go to the other levels, it is necessary to mention the close association, a close linkage between begging and hunger, and the elimination of hunger, found in the works of the early and pre-Christian era in Tamil. These works are more or less of a secular variety and they, while dealing with begging, see it more as a phenomenon of abject material poverty than anything else, identifying abject material poverty with abject hunger. Begging here becomes a sign for hunger, a sign for human survival.

The didactic works treat begging as an institution in existence for the growth of a more desirable institution, namely, giving. Since it is only a sign for survival, no respectability is ever attached.

16. BEGGING AS A RELIGIOUS FORM/INSTITUTION

We saw that, in Tamil literary texts, begging has been institutionalized in the early and pre-Christian era. Whereas in these texts, the poets, the bards, the musicians, the dancers and the actors are shown seeking material favors from patrons, the Buddhist and Jaina traditions in Tamil, which partly coexisted with the above mentioned literary traditions, but mostly followed it with the advent of Buddhism and Jainism in the Tamil land, institutionalize begging in the form of religious mendicancy.

The ancient literary tradition that makes the akam-puRam distinction (personal psycho-social life as opposed to life in the external world) and its internal composition was now given up, or got blurred, and a new set of rules for private and public behavior was offered.

A distinction between life in this world with family and children and all other attachments and economic and social activities on the one hand, and absolute abnegation of this world on the other is made in the dichotomy of illaRam versus tuRavaRam. Although religious mendicancy has been referred to in earlier ancient or classical works called Sangam literature, the world view that makes a dominant distinction between laity with all their family life and the mendicant life-style with emphasis on asceticism and negation of the worldly life is seen in later works only.

Here, living by alms, begging, becomes a sign for the negation of this world and is also a sign of a way of life different from the one to be followed by the laity with families and other worldly attachments. The dialectic between the two ways of life is seen as one of equilibrium, and not one of superior-inferior hierarchy, as it came to be recognized in still later stages (with tuRavaRam as the superior form, and in some cases forming a more recent stage in the evolutionary phases of an individual soul).

The dialectic between begging and giving continues to be recognized in this stage of the evolution of begging as a sign, as well. It is conjoined upon the man with family (the one who practices illaRam) that support of these religious mendicants is his duty.

The continuance of the begging institution is now ensured through the prescription of this duty for the "family man." Also the continuation of the giving institution is ensured by this prescription, but the sign function of giving is different, just as the sign function of begging has become different in this process.

17. CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF BEGGING

From the abject poverty and survival mechanism sign function of begging, we arrive at a sign function of the negation of the world for the act of begging. From the ultimate goal of obtaining name and fame from among the humans in this world, giving now gets the sign function of attainment of a reward in after-life. It also becomes a sign of the best in family life.

The linkage of hunger with begging is also recognized, and Manimekalai, an epic in the Buddhist tradition, ascribes eradication of the hunger of the poverty-stricken as a chief function of the mendicant heroine. The distinction between religious mendicancy and ordinary begging is well illustrated here. Religious mendicancy becomes a tool now to eliminate the ordinary begging. Here we find the elevation of begging to a level not found in the past. And a new sign function, not assigned to begging so far-begging eliminates begging. Like the plantain tree? Or like Bhasmasura? A cyclic alienation process, never ending.

18. GODS AND BEGGING

Begging as a sign takes on newer functions and modes within the traditional Tamil Hindu religions. We now have, not humans, but gods themselves as religious mendicants. We proceed from the secular human beggar who has an eye on the immediate to the religious human mendicant who has an eye on life beyond/reward beyond and who also has an eye on eliminating the phenomenon of begging using the same phenomenon as the tool, to the religious mendicant gods themselves. Both the traditional Tamil Hindu religions, Saivism and Vaishnavism, share many of the characteristics of gods as mendicants. Thus, while begging becomes the function of the gods, giving becomes the function of the humans, and by giving these humans get into the good favor of the beggar (gods).

Begging by gods acquires a brand new function - in the dialectic between a god and the devotee, begging as a mediating phenomenon acquires a new meaning and function. The beggar himself acquires a new status-his lineage is now traced to the gods themselves. The dialectic does not end there. The roles of beggar and donor are continually exchanged, although, statistically speaking, the devotees take on the position of beggar more times than a god, and as such, taking on the form of a beggar becomes a marked feature of the gods.

To mark this feature, iconography lends a helping hand based on religious texts. Siva in the beggar form, as BhikshaaTana murti, is an epitome of the changing functions of begging as a sign. An early eleventh century A.D. bronze of BhikshaaTana depicts Siva's aspect as a naked beggar, moving forward on the firmly placed left foot, his right foot behind slightly raised from the paduka as he steps. (See S. Rathnasabapathy, 1982. The Thanjavur Art Gallery Bronze Sculptures, for a vivid description of the figure.)

Two things need to be noted here. First of all, the legend of the BhikshaTana is not in vogue in North India and no image of this idol can therefore be seen there ("because it implies a criticism of brahminical practices," according to Ratnasabapathy 1982). Thus the BhikshaaTana murti legend and image appear to be a product of Dravidian iconography and Saivite religious precepts. The legend gives details of particular incidents as to the need for and manner of Siva coming to this earth as a beggar. Since the central theme of the BhikshaaTana concept is the idea of a god pursuing humanity, this god chases man, asking him to give up his ego to him. This god is an Eternal Beggar, in one view, waiting for the door to open so that "He may enter into the darkness and illumine the whole horizon of our being as with a lightning flash. It is not so much man seeking God as God seeking man; He goes into the wilderness to lead us out of it."

Innumerable references are found in which the devotees consider themselves as beggars before their lord and god. This cycle of begging is seen so important that a calendar for begging comes to be prescribed in the annual-ritual routine. There are occasions and there are periods wherein performance of begging is prescribed as an act that the devotee should perform-begging after (in the fashion of) the god, begging for the god (to perform pujas for him), and begging the god for salvation (and worldly benefits) all become crucial religious acts to renounce the ego and to surrender oneself to the Almighty.

19. THE AGONY AND ECSTACY

Again we saw earlier that the secular and didactic literary works often mentioned how agonizing it was for an individual to go before someone and beg. On the religious plane, this agony is transformed into ecstasy; there is no more a complaint that one is in a sad plight of begging. One seeks this state and revels in it, for he realizes that his reward is certain. Strangely enough there is a parallel here between the bard of the a:rruppaTai genre of the early and pre-Christian era and the devotee. Both seek their patrons, in their dire need, as a matter of routine, and both do not appear to be concerned about their act of asking for, begging for gifts. However, for the bard it is the reward that brings happiness, whereas for the devotee the mere act of begging itself is the reward.

Begging attains the character of an aesthetic function in Roman Jakobson's sense. Begging continues to be a sign of survival mechanism/effort in the religious plane as well; yet this survival is not one of physical survival in this world, but a survival in eternity under the feet of the favorite lord and god.

20. BEGGING IN THE CONTEMPORARY SOCIAL CONTEXT

1. Begging as a sign is employed in other types of social behavior as well. A very familiar example is that a student is to receive knowledge from his teacher in the fashion of a beggar who begs for alms. This relationship still stalks the Tamil mind in spite of the changes in the educational system, and in spite of the vagaries of public instruction.
2. Receiving alms and living by alms is a caste dharma for some castes, just as it was dharma for the individual mendicant to beg and to live by alms. At this level, we no more talk of individuals, but of an entire body of people engaging themselves in begging, of an entire body of people who live by alms, and who are expected to live by alms as their dharma.
3. Begging as a sign had performed many different functions, as we illustrated above, in individuals' lives. Here is a change, a drastic change in the function of the sign from the individual to the social plane. The function of the sign is shifted from meeting the individual need to meeting the need of the social hierarchy, one could argue, because the community that begs is not shown any great respect. Alternatively, one could also argue that this shift from the individual to the social was motivated by the same reasons as in the case of the elevation of begging as a sign for liberation of the soul, as a sign to reach the feet of the favorite lord and god. One could suggest that the liberation of a society, a caste as a whole, was the motivation for this shift of begging as a sign from the individual to the social. One could further cite the principle of swadharma, the faithful adoption of which in this world ensures the Heavenly Abode in future, beyond life in this world.
4. However, there are certain internal contradictions within the picture of the society we have before us that would not make one feel enthusiastic about accepting wholesale the latter explanation. It is true that receiving alms is considered as dharma for certain castes. It is also true that receiving alms becomes dharma for many on certain ritual occasions. The "alms" become "offering" when the recipient, by virtue of religious dicta, is of a superior caste. Again one notices the incessant dialectic between begging and giving here.
5. "Alms" given to Brahmins by members of other castes are indeed considered "offering." Thus begging has become a marked feature of lower caste ranking in the current social belief system. This fact appears to be in conflict with swadharma interpretation of the entire society seeking their salvation through the sign of begging.

21. THE EVOLUTION OF SOCIAL GROUPS AND THE EVOLUTION OF BEGGING

There appears to be a meshing together of the evolution of social groups on the one hand and the evolution of begging as a religious sign on the other, followed closely by the pursuit for social hierarchy with marked features, all finally contributing to the present state of begging as a sign of certain castes.

We saw earlier that in the Tamil secular literature of the early and pre-Christian era, the bards, the poets, the dancers, and the musicians went in search of patrons with their kith and kin. Perhaps in this company and with their professional background, we should seek the origin of begging as a sign to an entire body of people, to certain castes. The evolution of begging as a religious sign meant for the operation at the level of individuals appears to have been transferred to an entire body of people as a religious sign.

Since there happened to be already in the evolutionary process social groups whose profession it was to seek the patrons for gifts, there was a compelling need to distinguish the religious from the secular. This need was met by converting alms into offering in the case of the Brahmin and by assigning a marked feature of lowliness in the case of other bodies of people, fulfilling the ongoing pursuit for social hierarchy with marked features. Here is a case of integration between the secular and the religious, as well as integration between the native Tamil and non-Tamil elements of swadharma.

22. OBJECTS GIVEN AS ALMS

What objects can be given as alms? There are certain restrictions in the choice of objects to be given as alms. The notions of hierarchy and consequent social behavior govern these restrictions. For instance, Brahmins will be given and will accept only non-cooked items; generally the members of the upper castes will accept from the members of the lower castes only non-cooked items. For others, cooked items can be given as alms; for the so-called "lowliest," even "the wasted food left on the leaf or the plate" can be given.

Is there any restriction in terms of age for a person to become a beggar? Is there any differential treatment in terms of sex as regards permissibility for one to become a beggar? The elderly, deserted folks, orphans, the very young, and the diseased are often accepted in their role as beggars. Also the elderly, deserted, and sickly women and very young girls are often accepted in their role as beggars. It is a measure of recognition of the ill-treatment meted out to women in society that women are accepted more easily in their role as beggars than members of the male sex.

The use of begging as a sign in the dialectic between the sexes is an area that deserves our pointed attention specifically. For want of time, I do not propose to deal with the same here. The issue requires a comprehensive treatment on its own merit separately. There are also certain physical restrictions-the physically disabled are more easily accepted in their role as beggars.

Note, however, that none of these considerations, very many of them visual ones, has been exploited by the sculptor in the creation of BhikshaaTana murti. This image is sleek and perfect, just as images of other elitist gods; no physical deformity, no aging marks, no disease marks, all perfection and beauty, except this god is presented nude and with certain other symbols indicating the Bhiksha (begging or mendicancy) function of the murti. The sleekness and perfection indicate the function of begging as a sign for the religious precepts.

23. LINGUISTIC AND OTHER COMMUNICATIONAL FEATURES OF BEGGING

Begging as an institution appears to be more prevalent in some societies, and almost nonexistent in other societies. Many pre-literate non-Buddhist Tibeto-Burman societies in northeastern India used to be of this type. In some societies, like that of the Tamils, the institution is one of a permeating type. In these societies it gets enmeshed in all domains of life and with all human creations in which notions of want and ranking are the dominant focal points.

Some of the linguistic and communicational features of begging noticed in the behavior of beggars in contemporary society are as follows:

1. Loud noise, pleading intonation.
2. Mumbling.
3. Physical appearance.
4. Dress.
5. Kinetic gestures.
6. Social markers.
7. Hyperbolic addresses.
8. Reference to the heritage of the family of the addressed.
9. Reference to the age and sex of the beggar as well as of the addressed.
10. Reference to the status of the addressed.
11. The likely donor who is being addressed may be compared with or equated with the legendary figures known for their charitable acts.
12. Repetitive and iterative utterances.
13. Reference to physical inabilities, dire needs, or deformities of the self.
14. Reference to the benefits that would accrue in the other world if the beggar is given alms.
15. Reference to the benefits as regards the well being of the giver's kith and kin if alms are given.
16. Reference to the beggar's own caste/social status.

24. SOME CONCLUSIONS

1. Begging becomes an institution, an honored institution such as religious mendicancy.
2. It reflects the social dynamics - at one level, sanctions against begging, and at another level goading one into begging when survival is not otherwise possible; in yet another level it is institutionalized for higher purposes. In this dynamic movement begging becomes a sign.
3. Begging provides relief for those who are unable to observe social canons. An opportunity is provided, for those who have no other means to survive, to go into an honored institution of begging - the sole aim is to give honor to humans, even when they are lost, for the society according to the prevalent norms; even when they have lost every social grace. Those who beg move from one institution into another, under voluntary or forced circumstances (society to abnegation of the society).
4. We also see that people have to resort to begging on certain occasions so that higher purposes are served.
5. Another process is also noticed in the acceptance of a belief and practice that receiving alms is the dharma of certain castes. While giving alms to attain moksha is enjoined upon every individual within Hinduism as a tool for salvation, the belief and practice that receiving alms is a dharma of certain castes is to be viewed at the semiotic level as indicating social status and the relative hierarchy in the social order.

CLICK HERE FOR PRINTER-FRIENDLY VERSION.

SIND, SINDHI, AND ETHNIC SLURS - Did President Musharraf Really Say that?! | MODES OF ADDRESS IN KANNADA - A Sociolinguistic Study of Language Use in Mysore District | VIEWS OF GRAMMARIANS ON SHABDA | A STUDY OF BEGGING IN INDIAN CONTEXTS - An Analysis of Tamil Situation | PROBLEMS OF MEDICAL TRANSCRIPTION IN INDIA - A Brief Linguistic Overview | HOME PAGE | CONTACT EDITOR