ADVERB FORMATION IN TAMIL
S. Rajendran, Ph.D.
1. Introduction
Except certain adverbs like angku
`there', ingku `here', and engku `where', other adverbs are
different forms of nouns and verbs. They are produced as the function and/or
meanings of the nouns and verbs and their inflected forms are changed and a few
are lexicalized as adverbial suffixes. As this is the case, adverbs can be
considered as a secondary formation due to change in the function of the
inflected and non-inflected forms of nouns and verbs and not as a separate
class of words. One can raise doubt about the productivity in the formation of
adverbs too. A better understanding of the adverbial formation can be evolved
by analysing the words declared as adverbs in dictionaries. With this in mind
an attempt is made here to pick out the adverbs lited in kiriyaavin taRkaalat
tamizh akraaati (KTTA) and analyse them so as to get a clear
picture of the adverbial formation. A taxonomy of adverbial forms will be
aimed at in order to stream line our understanding of the adverbial formation.
Adverbs cannot be identified by
their shape. That is, they cannot be identified by their morphemic structure.
There is no special suffix which can tell us that a particular form is an
adverb and nor there is any particular inflection meant only for adverbs. Only
syntactic features can tell whether a particular form is an adverb or not. But
even here, the line of demarcation between certain inflected forms of nouns and
adverbs as well as that between inflected forms of verbs and adverbs is
blurred.
One may have to look into adverbs
form the diachronic point of view. Advebs can be broadly divided into two:
unanalysable and analysable adverbs. ndeeRRu `yesterday', ndaaLai
`tomorrow' can be given as examples of the former type and ipootu `now',
appootu `at that time' can be given as examples of the latter type.
Even neeRRu `yesterday' and ndaaLai `tomorrow' can be further
broken down, but that will be moving towards etymology, which is not our
intention.
2. Taxonomy of formation of
adverbs
The following is the taxonomy of
the formation of adverbs.
1. Adverbs not
formed from nonfinite forms of verbs
a. Adverbs
formed from casal forms of nouns
b. Adverbs
which are not casal forms of nouns
2. Adverbs
formed from nonfinite forms of verbs
2.1. Adverbs not formed from
non-finite forms of verbs
2.1.1. Adverbs formed from
casal forms of nouns
Certain sets of nouns, which are
inflected form cases, get lexicalized as adverbs. They can be classified into 5
types based on the case suffixes.
1.
adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix ukku
2.
adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix ooTu
3.
adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix uTan
4.
adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix il
5.
adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix aal
2.1.1.1. Adverbs from forms
inflected for case suffix -ukku
There are simple as well as
compounds. Following are the sub types of this formation.
1.
noun + ukku > adverb
appootai + ukku
> appootaikku 'at they time'
ammaTtu + ukku
> ammaTTukku 'that much'
anRai 'that day'
+ kku > anRaikku 'that day'
ippootai `at
this time' + ukku > ippootaikku `now'
inRai + ukku
> inRaikku 'today'
peyar `name' + ukku
> peyarukku `for name sake'
tarmam + ukku >
tarmattiRku 'free of cost'
2.
N + N + ukku
cakaTTu + meeni
+ ukku > cakaTtu meenikku 'excessively'
tan + camayam +
ukku > taRcamattiRku 'immediately'
peyar + aLavu
`measure' + ukku > peyar aLavukku `for name sake'
3.
Adj + N + ukku
oor + aLavu +
ukku > ooraLavukku '
oru + peeccu +
ukku > oru peeccukku
4. ceytu of
verbal participial form + N + ukku
keTTa + keeTu +
ukku > keTTa keeTTukku
kaNTa + meeni + ukku
> kaNTameenikku
The lexical items inflected for
dative ukku appear have been reconstituted as adverbs as they are
assigned new function as adverbs. Not all the forms which are inflected for
dative ukku do not function as adverbs. But it can be stated that the
dative inflected forms are capable of being reconstituted as adverbs when the
formation leads to meaning change.
2.1.1.2. Adverbs from forms
inflected for case suffix ooTu
A few nouns, both simple and compounded,
inflected for the case suffix ooTu have been lexicalized as adverbs as
they have assigned themselves adverbial function.
1. Noun + ooTu
> adverb
aTi `foot'+ ooTu
> aTiyooTu `completely'
1.
Adj + N + ooTu > adverb
muzhu `full' +
manam `mind' + ooTu > muzhumanattooTu `whole heartedly'
ooTu as a case suffix
denote different case relations depending on the context
1. Accompaniment
avan tan manaviyooTu
cenRaan 'He went with his wife'
2. Association
avan peenaavooTu
puttakam vaangkinaan 'He bought a book along withe a pen'
2.
Conjoining
avan toocaiyooTu
cappattiyum caappiTTaan 'He ate tosai along with chapatti'
3.
Place: path
avan teruvooTu
ndaTandtaan 'He walked along the road'
4.
Inclusion
ciittirai
maatattooTu tamizh aaNTu toTangkukiRatu
'Tamil years
starts with/from Cittirai month'
5.
Limitation
raamanukku oru
kuzhandtaiyooTu cari
'Raman has only
one child'
The examples taken form KTTA
shows that certain nouns inflected for the case suffix get lexicalized as
adverbs due to their idiosyncratic meaning. As change of meaning can lead to
change of grammatical function, ooTu inflected nouns are capable of
being lexicalized as adverbs if they attain idiosyncratic meaning.
2.1.1.3. Adverbs from forms
inflected for case suffix uTan
A few nouns inflected for uTan ‘with’
inflected have been lexicalized as adverbs as they have assigned themselves
adverbial function.
1. N + N + uTan
meeLam
`drum' + taaLam `beatings' + uTan > meeLataaLattuTan `with pom and
show'
2. Adj + N +
uTan
muzhu `full' +
muccu `breath' + uTan > muzhumuccuTan 'with full
effort'
uTan, like ooTu
gives sociative meaning.
avaL tan kaNavanuTan
uurukkuc cenRaan
'She went to the
village along with her husband'
The uTan-inflected forms
listed in KTTA as adverbs are lexicalized as they have attained idiosyncratic
meaning by assigning themselves adverbial function. uTan-inflected form appear
to be not a productive source for the formation of adverbs.
2.1.1.4. Adverbs from forms
inflected for case suffix il
Many il-inflected
nominal forms have been listed as adverbs in KTTA as they have attained
idiosyncratic meaning by assigning themselves adverbial function.
1. N + il
camayam `time'
+ il > camattil `in time'
ndeer 'straight' + il
> ndeeril ' in person'
caarpu 'leaning' + il
> caarpil '
veLi 'ouside' + il
> veLiyil 'outside'
2. N1 + N2 + il
kaalam `time'
+ pookku `passing' + il > kaalappookkil 'in course of
time'
turitam 'quickness' +
kati 'pace' + il > turitakatiyil 'at a fast pace'
kuuTiya
`to be possible' + viraivu `speed' + il > kuuTiyaviraivil `as
soon as possible'
ndaTu 'centre' +
vazhi 'way' > ndaTuvazhyil 'midway'
peyar 'name' +
aLavu 'qunantity' > peyaraLavil 'in name only'
3. Adj + N + il
oru 'one' +
vakai 'type' + il > oruvakaiyil 'from one angle'
oru 'one' +
vitam 'type' + il > oruvitattil 'in a way'
perum 'great' +
aLavu 'quantity' + il > perumaLavil 'to a great extetnt'
muzhu 'full +
viiccu 'swing' + il > muzhuviccil 'in full swing'
6.
Adj + ee + N + il
oru 'one' + ee +
muuccu 'breath' + il > oreemuuccil 'by one stretch'
7.
N1 + aam + N1 + il
kaalam 'time' +
aam + kaalam 'time' + il > kaalaakalattil 'in time'
8.
N1 + aam + N2 + il
ndaaL 'day' +
aam + vaTTam 'circle' + il > ndaaLaavaTTattil ' in course of time'
9.
ceyta type of relative participle form + its vebal noun + il
eTutta 'that
which is taken + eTuppu 'taking' + il > eTutta eTuppil 'straight away'
10. N1 + ceyta
type of relative participial form + N1 + il
ndeeram 'time' +
keTTa 'bad' + ndeeram 'time' + il > ndeeram keTTa ndeerattil '
il is a locative case
suffix. It gives different sense based on its collocation with nouns and
verbs. It denotes location in space and time.
1. Location in space
kaNNan ndaaRkaaliyil uTkaarndaan
'Kannan sat in the chair'
2. Location in
time
kaNNan oru
vaarattil varuvaan
'Kannan will
come in a week'
3. Extension of
time
kaNnan oru vaarattil
puttakam paTittaan
'Kannan read
the book in a weeks time'
kaNNan aangkilattil
peecinaan
'Kannan talked
in English'
The il-suffixed forms
listed in KTTA are lexicalized forms. As the number of such forms are in
considerable number it can be presumed that il-suffixed forms are
capable of being lexicalized as adverbs if they attain idiosyncratic meaning by
assuming adverbial function.
2.1.1.5. Adverbs from forms
inflected for case suffix aal
A few nouns inflected
for aal are listed in KTTA as adverbs as they assume adverbial function
due to their presumed idiosyncratic meaning.
1. N + aal
peyar `name' +
aal > peyaraal 'by means of name'
2. N + N + aal
candtarppam
`chance' + vacam `side' + aal > cantarppavacattaal 'due
to circumstance'
aal to assume different
casal relations based on its collocation with nouns and verbs.
1. Instrument
avan
pazhattai kattiyaal veTTinaan 'He cut the fruit by knife'
2. Material
avan
marattaal meejai ceytaan 'He made the table with wood'
3. Reason
mazhai
peytataal kuLangkaL nirampina 'The ponds are filled as it rained'
Only few aal suffixed
forms have been listed in KTTA as adverbs. So the possibility of aal-suffixed
forms becoming adverbs appears to be less compared to il-suffixed froms.
2.1.2. Adverbs formed by other process
The items which can
be listed under this heading can be further classified into ten groups:
1.
Adverbs from adding a set of nominal forms which denotes place, time and
manner
2. Adverbs from mun/pin
3. Adverbs from
forms suffixed by meel
4. Adverbs
formed from forms suffixed by varai
5. Adverbs from forms
suffixed by ee
6. Adverbs from forms
suffixed by um
7. Adverbs from forms
suffixed by ellaam
8. Adverbs from
reduplicated nouns
2.1.2.1. Adverbs formed from a
set of nominal forms which denotes place, time and manner
Certain set of
adjectives which includes demonstrative adjectives such as a, i, e and numeral
adjective oru , and certain adjectival forms of verbs combine with a set
of nouns which denote place, time and manner to form adverbs. They are grouped
into three:
1. Demonstrative
adjectives + nominals denoting place, time and manner
2. Adjectival forms
of verbs + nominals denoting place, time and manner
1.
Numeral oru + nominals denoting place, time and manner
2.
Demonstrative adjectives + nominal denoting time + varai ‘limit’
3.
Adverbial form of a verb + varai ‘limit’
2.1.2.1.1. Demonstrative adjectives + nominals
denoting place, time and manner
The
demonstrative and interrogative bound morphemes such as a, i, e as well
as the adjectives maRu ‘again’ and tan ‘now’ combine with certain
bound forms which are nominal in their origin such as pozhutu ‘time’ pootu
‘time’ paTi `manner', aaRu `manner' iTam `place', ndeeram
`time', paal `place', puRam `back', vaNNam `manner'
forming adverbs. It should be noted here that the above mentioned forms
reinforce adverbial processes of manner, place and time. The following are the
list of forms of adverbs listed in KTTA which have been decomposed into
morphemes to suit our purpose.
a/i/e +
pozhutu/pootu
a + pozhutu 'time'
> appozhutu 'at that time'
a + pootu >
appootu 'at that time'
i + pozhutu 'time'
> ippozhtu 'in this period; now; at this time
e + pozhutu >
eppozhutu 'when; at what time'
e + pootu >
eppootu ' when; at what time'
tan +
pozhutu/pootu
tan 'one's + pozhutu
> taRpozhutu 'at present; now'
tan + pootu >
taRpootu 'at present; now'
a/i/e + paTi
a + paTi 'in the
manner of' > appaTi 'in the way or mannerstated'
i + paTi > ippaTi
'in the way or manner; thus'
e + paTi > eppaTi
'in what way; in what condition; by what what manner; how'
a/i/e + aaRu
a + aaRu 'in the
manner' > avvaaRu 'in the specified or required or desired manner; like
that'
i + aaRu > ivvaaRu
'in the manner; like this'
e + aaRu > evvaaRu
'in what manner'
a+ iTam
a + iTam > avviTam
`there'
a +
ndeeram/paal/puRam/vaNNam
a + ndeeram >
anneeram `at that time'
a + paal > appaal
`afterwards'
a + puRam >
appuRam `afterwards'
a + vaNNam >
avvaNNam `as such'
Adj + paTi
maRu 'next' + paTi
> maRupaTi 'again'
The demonstrative
adjectives such as a, i, e are capable of forming adverbs when suffixed to the
nouns meaning ‘time’. They can form adverbs with nouns such as ndeeram
‘time’, camayam ‘time’, kaalam ‘period’ etc. Though the formation is restricted
to only to a set of nouns meaning ‘time’, the adverbial formation seems to be
a potential one.
a + ndeeram >
andndeeram ‘at that time’
a + camayam >
accamayam ‘at that time’
a+ kaamal >
akkaalam ‘on that period; olden day’
It should noted
here that not all the first set of forms combine with all the second set of
form or vice versa. Even forms like angku 'there' , ingku 'here'
and engku 'where' can be decomposed into a/i/e + ngku, though
the decomposition is not economical form the point of view of word formation.
a/i/e + ngku
a + ngku >
angku 'there'
i + ngku > ingku
'here'
e + ngku > engku
'where'
a/i/e + nRu
a + nRu > anRu
'that day'
i + nRu > inRu
'today'
e + nRu > enRu
'which day'
a/i/e +
ngkanam/ngnganam
a + ngkanam >
angkanam 'in that manner'
a + ngnganam >
angnganam 'in that manner'
i + ngkanam >
ingkanam 'in this manner'
i + ngnganam >
ingnganam 'in this manner'
e + ngkanam >
engkanam 'in which manner'
e + ngnganam >
engnganam ' in which manner'
2.1.2.1.2. Adjectival forms of verbs + nominals
denoting place, time and manner
ceyta and ceyyum
type of adjectival forms of verbs combine with a set of nominals denoting
manner forms adverbs.
ceyta-type of verb
form + paTi
kaNTa (past
adjectival participle form of the verb kaaN'see') + paTi > kaNTapaTi
'without observing any norm or standard or rule; without restraint'
kaNTa + paTi
> kaNTapaTi `aimlessly'
N + ceyta-type of
verb form + paTi
manam + poona (past adjectival participle form of the verb poo 'go') + paTi > manampoonapaTi
'without restraint;without self-control'
N + il + ceyta-type
of verb form + paTi
vaay 'mouth' +
il (locative case suffix) + vandta (past adjectival form of the verb vaa
'come') + paTi > vaayilvandtapaTi 'without restraint'
N + ku +
ceyta-type of verb form + paTi
vaay 'mouth' +
ukku (dative case suffix) + vandta (past adjectival form of the verb vaa
'come') + paTi >vaaykkuvandtapaTi 'without restraint'
N + + ceyyum-type
of verb form + aaRu
pin + varum
(future adjectival from of the verb vaa 'come') + aaRu > pinvarumaaRu
paTi as a postposition
functions as adverbializer with certain sets of nouns. After noun or pronoun
it is used in the sense ‘as per’ or ‘according to’. After the adjectival forms
of verbs it used in the sense of ‘as’ or ‘in the manner of’. Thus paTi
can function as an adverbializer with certain set of nouns and adjectival
forms of verbs.
avar miitu
caTTap-paTi ndavaTikkai eTukkappaT-um
he on law_as per
action be taken_FUT
‘Action will be taken
on him as per law’
ndaan co-nn-a-paTi
cey
I say_PAST_RP_as do
‘Do as I said’
The nominal forms suffixed with paTi
and the relative participle form suffixed with paTi are capable of getting
lexicalized as adverbs. So paTi can be considered as a potential
adverbilizer. Its synonyms aaRu and vaNNam the adjectival forms
of verbs it used in the sense of ‘as’ or ‘in the manner of’. vaNNam
after past relative participles is used to indicate the unceasing,
uninterrupted nature of the action specified.
avan ndaan connavaaRu
cey_t-aan
he I say_PAST_RP
act_PAST_he
‘He acted as I told
him’
avar ndeeRR-ilirundtu
azhu-t-a vNNam iru-kkiR-aar
he yesterday_from
weep_PAST_RP as be_PRES_he
‘He keeps on weeping
since yesterday’
So aaRu and vaNNam
can be considered as potential adverbializers.
2.1.2.1.3. Numeral oru
+ nominals denoting place, time and manner
The combination
of numeral adjective oru 'one' with a set of nouns denoting
place, time and manner gives rise to adverbs. The following are attested in
KTTA.
oru + veeLai ‘time'
> oruveeLai `sometimes'
oru + kaal ‘time' >
orukkaal `sometimes'
oru + taTavai `time
(frequency)' > orutaTavai `once'
oru + maatiri
‘manner' > orumaatiri ‘somehow'
oru + ciRitu >
oruciRitu `a little'.
2.1.2.1.4. Demonstrative
adjectives + nominal denoting time + varai ‘limit’
Demonstrative
adjective + ndaaL 'day' + varai ‘limit’
itu `this' + ndaaL
`day' + varai > itu ndaaL varai `till today'
2.1.2.1.5. Adjectival form a
verb + varai
ceyya type of
adjectival form + varai
kuuTiya `to be possible'
+ varai > kuuTiyavarai `as for as possible'
varai is a temporal
particle. This will denote limitation with reference to place and time. The
compounds such as ituvarai, itundaaL varai are listed in
KTTA as adverbs as they are lexicalized due to meaning change. The past
participle form of iyal and muTi, iyanRa and muTindta
combine with varai to form compounds such as muTindavarai and
iyanRavarai which can also be considered as adverbs. kuuTiyamaTTum, iyanRamaTTum,
aanamaTtum can also be taken as adverbs. It appears that the relative
participle form of a closed set such as aana, kuuTiya, iyanRa,
muTindta combines with varai adverbs. The question before us is
whether to take those formations as derived from rules or as lexicalized
unanalysed forms. If the formation is productive, then it is better for us to
consider them as derived by WFR.
2.1.2.2. Adverbs from forms
derived from mun/pin
mun `front'
and pin `back' combine with the non-productive suffixes such as -ar,
-aal, -aaTi, -pu forming adverbs.
Ex.
mun + ar > munnar
`before'
mun + aal >
munnaal `before'
mun + aaTi >
munnaaTi `before'
mun + pu > munpu
`before'
2.1.2.3. Adverbs from forms
suffixed by ee
The clitic -ee
combine with a set of lexical items such as anku `there', appaTi`
that way', meel `above', pin `back', uTan, `with' and muRai
`term', and also with the non-finite verbs forms such as terindtu
`having known', munkuuTTi `having added before', eeRkena `take-as
said' forming adverbs.
angku + ee >
angkee `there'
meel + ee > meelee
`above'
uTan + ee > uTanee
`immediately'
2.1.2.4. Adverbs from forms
suffixed by um
The clitic um
combine with a set of items as shown in the following examples forming adverbs.
engku `where' + um
> engkum `everywhere'
muzhutu `full' + um
> muzhutum `fully'
cuRRu `surroundings'
+ il + um > cuRRilum `around'
meen + mel `above' +
um > meenmeelum `continuously'
oru `one' + kaal
`time' + um > orukkaalum `never'
miiNTu `having come
back' + um > miiNTum `again'
2.1.2.5. Adverbs from forms
suffixed by ellaam
The ellaam
`all' combine with a set of items as shown in the following examples forming
advebs.
Deverbal nominal
form of the type ceytatu + dative kku + ellaam
ex. eTuttatu
`that which is taken' + ukku + ellaam > eTuttataRkellaam
`for everything'
eTuttatu 'that which it
taken', toTTatu 'that which is touched' are deverbal nominal forms of ceytatu
type; kku is a dative suffix; ellaam means 'all'. eTuttataRkellaam
and toTTataRkellaa m are synonyms as they can be interchangeable. The
forms eTuttatu, toTTatu have been lexicalized due to meaning
change. As the formation appears to be not productive the resultant forms can
better be listed in the lexicon.
2.1.2.6. meel-suffixed
adverbs
meel combine
with a set of items as shown in the following examples forming adverbs.
ini `after' +
meel `above' > inimeel `after that'
kai `hand' +
meel `above' > kaimeel `as a consequence'
ini is an adverb whereas
kai is a noun. meel is a particle. The forms derived from them inimeel
and kaimeel are not formed by productive WFR. So the formation cannot
be considered as a WFR for adverbial formation.
2.1.2.7. Advebs from
reduplicated nouns
Formation of adverbs
by reduplication appears to be initiated by a productive WFR.
1. Reduplicated word
+ noun
akkam + pakkam
`near'> akkam pakkam `around/ at the neighbourhood'
ndeer `opposite' +
ukku + ndeer > ndeerukku neer `directly'
2.Repetition of
noun intervened by dative ukku
aTi 'step' + ukku +
aTi 'step' > aTikkaTi 'oftern'
uTan 'at once' + ukku
+ uTan > uTanuukuTan 'immediately'
uL 'inside' + ukku +
uL > uLLukkuL '
ndeer 'straight' +
ukku + ndeer 'face o face'
3. Echoword + ukku +
echo word
eeRu + ukku + maaRu
> eRukku maaRu
The formation in which the
reduplicated forms are intervened by ukku appears to be a productive
formation. We have forms of the following:
patil 'reply' + ukku
+ patil > patilukku patil
vaarttai 'word' +
ukku + vaarttai > vaarttaikku vaarttai
pazhi + kku + pazhi
> pazhikuu pazhi
2.2. Adverbs formed from
non-finite forms of verbs
There is no
dispute that the verbal participle forms come to modify the verbs and so
function as adverbs. As some of them attained idiosyncratic meaning they have
been liste in KTTA as adverbs. They can be classified into there are three
types according to their form.
1. Adverbs from forms
with non-finte form as suffix
2. Adverbs from forms with non-finite form as post-position
3. Adverbs from non-finite forms
2.2.1. Adverbs from forms with
non-finite form as suffix
There are three types
based on the kind of suffix.
1.
Adverbs from forms suffixed with aaka
2.
Adverbs from forms suffixed with enRu
3.
Adverbs form forms suffixes with ena
2.2.1.1. Adverbs from forms
suffixed with aaka
aaka `to
become' is a ceyya-type of non-finte form of the verb aaku
`become' which is lexicalized as an adverbial suffix.
1.N + aaka
alaTciyam
`disrespect' + aaka > alaTciyamaaka `disrespectfully'
kaTTaayam
'compulsion' + aaka > kaTTaayamaaka 'compulsorily'
kuRippu
'particularity' + aaka > kuRippaaka 'particularly'
tavaRutal 'wrong' +
aaka > tavaRutalaaka 'worngly'
2.N1 + N2 + aaka
akkini
'fire' + caaTci 'evidence' + aaka > akkini caaTciyaaka
'in the presence of sacred fire'
kaal 'leg' + ndaTai
'walk' + aaka > kaalndaTaiyaaka 'on foot'
cukku 'dried ginger'
+ nduuRu 'hundred' + aaka > cukku nduuRaaka 'in pieces'
valu 'strength'
+ kaTTaayam 'certainty' + aaka > valukaTTaayamaaka 'compusorily'
3.N1 + N1 + aaka
(Rhyme motivated by repetition)
kaalam 'time' +
kaalam + aaka > kaalam kaalamaaka 'for ages'
paTi `step' + paTi
+ aaka > paTippaTiyaaka `gradually'
mutal 'first' +
mutal + aaka > mutalmutalaaka 'at first'
malai 'hill' + malai
'hill' + aaka > malaimalaiyaaka 'in great heaps'
4.N1 + N2 (Rhyme
motivated)
azhuttam +
tiruttam + aaka > azhuttam tiruttamaaka '
5.Rhyme
motivated compounds by echoing + akka
icaku + picaku
`wrong' + aaka > icakupicakaaka `unexpectedly'
ekka + cakkam >
ekkacakkam + aaka > ekkacakkam aaaka 'in a fix'
caaTai + maaTai >
caaTaimaaTai + aaka > caaTaimaaTaiyaaka 'indirectly'
karaTu + muraTu
'roughness' > karaTumuraTu + aaka > karaTu muraTaaka 'ruggedly'
6.Phrasal noun +
aaka
ilai maRaivu
'hiding of leaf' + kaay maRaivu 'hiding of fruit' + aaka
> ilamaRaivu kaaymaRivu aaka '
7.N1 + um
+ N2 + um + aaka (rhyme motivated compound nouns formed by
conjoining two nouns by um)
etir
'opposite' + um + putir 'mystery' + um + aaka > etirum putirumaaka
'opposing'
kai
`hand' + um + mey `body' + um + aaka > kaiyyum
meyyumaaka `with clear evidence'
tappu 'wrong'
+ um + tavaRu 'wrong' + aaka > tappum tavaRumaaka
'faultily'
muukku
'nose' + um + muzhi 'eye' + aaka > muukkum muzhiyumaaka
'with well pronounced features'
8.Adv + um + Adv
+ um
angku
'there' + um + ingku + um > ingkumangkumaaka 'un
and down'
ingku
'here' +um + angku + um > ingkumangkumaaka 'up and
down'
9. N1 + dative ukku
+ N2 + aaka (rhyme motivated)
eeRu + ukku +
maaRu + aaka > eeRukku maaRaaka 'inconsistent'
10.N1 +
sociative ooTu + aaka > aatiyooTandtamaaka '
11.N1 + ukku +
N2 + N3
mun 'front' +
dative ukku + pin 'back' + muraN '+ aaka > munnukku pin muraNaaka '
12. Negative
participial form of verb + N + aaka
teriyaa 'not
knowing' + tanam + aaka > teriyaattanamaaka 'unknowingly'
veeNTaa 'not
requiring' + veRuppu 'hatred' + aaka > veeNTaaveRuppaaka 'unwillingly'
viTaa 'not
leaving' + piTi 'hold' + aaka > viTaapiTiyaaka 'tenaciously'
12.Adj + ee
(clitic) + N + aaka
oru + ee +
muuccu + aaka > oreemuuccaaka '
oru + ee + aTi +
aaka > oreeyaTiyaaka
13. N1 + ceyta
type of non-finite form + N2 + aaka
meel 'on' +
ezhunda 'rising' + vaari 'wise' + aaka > meelezhundta vaariyaaka
14. ceyat type
of non-finite form + N + aaka
aTutta 'being
near' + paTi 'step' + aaka > aTutta paTiyaaka 'next'
aaka has an
alterenent form aay. The ceyya type of form of the verb aaku is aaka,
whereas the ceytu type of form is aay. Both are used as
adverbilaizers. Annamalai (198) and Lehman (1989) do not consider aaka/aay
as verbalizers. We cannot say that aaka/aay will form adverbs
when suffixed with all the nouns. Only a set of nouns gives adverbial meaning
when aaka/aay is added to them. Lehaman does not consider aaka/aay
as verbalizer. But he states that the forms suffixed by aaka can be
considered as adverbs from the point of view of syntactic function (Lehman
1989:146). He points out how aaka behaves as a case marker and gives the
different semantic interpretations (140-146):
1.
Manner
umaa
aatiramaakap peecinaaL 'Uma talked angrily'
2.
Role
ippootu un
mutalaaLiyaakap peecavillai. un appaavaakap peecukiReen 'I don't talk now as a
proprietor, but as your father'
3.
Result (change of state)
kaNNan
payittiyakkaaranaaka maaRiviTTaan 'Kannan has become mad'
itai iraNTaaka
veTTu 'Cut it into two'
kumaar taNNiirai
panikkaTTiyaaka aakkinaan
'Kannan made
water into ice'
4.
Comparison
oru maatam oru
ndimiTamaakap pooyiRRu
'One month
passed as if it was a minute'
kaNNan
peTtippaampaaka aTangkinaan 'Kannan became calm as a snake kept in a box'
5.
Indefinite location
kaNNan
caayangkaalamaakap pooyviTTaan 'Kannan went around eventing'
kaNNan
katavooramaaka uTkaarndtaan 'Kannan sat near the door'
6.
Comitative
kaNNan pencilum
peenaavumaaka vandtaan
'Kannan came
with pencil and peena'
7.
Purpose
kaNNan oru
veelaiyaak vandtaan
'Kannan came for
a work'
8.
Duration of time
KaNNan cennaiyil
ndaanku varuTamaaka irukkiRaan
'Kannan is in
Chennai for four yerars'
9.
Self reference
(kaNNan)
kaNNanaaka andta ndaavalai ezhutinaan
'Kannan himself
wrote that novel'
10. Quantity
andta
kiraamattil paNakkaararkaLaaka irukkiRaarkaL
'There are a lot
of rich people live there'
11. Gradualness
kaNNan
ovvonRaakat tinRaan 'Kanna ate one by one'
12.Momentariness
kaNNankku
aattiramaaka vandtatu 'Kannan was angry'
12. Repetition
Kannan
vaacalukkum truvukkumaaka ndaTndaan 'Kannan walked back and forth from entrance
to street repeatedly'
13. Alternation
kaNNan
ezhutuvadtum paTippatumaaka irukkiRaan
'Kannan is
writing and reading alternatively'
14. Focus
peritaaka iraNTu
maampazham vaangku
'Buy two
mangoes'
It can be interpreted from the
above examples that aaka does not always function as an adverb with all nouns
or noun phrases. Pointing out that aaka can be added to noun phrase
which function as subject and object, Lehman argues that depending upon the
context aaka can be analysed as a bound postposition or clitic.
KTTA has listed many
nominal forms which are suffixed with aaka as adverbs. The
idiosyncratic meaning acquired by these forms leading to their reoriented
function of modifying the verbs has found them a place in the dictionary as
adverbs. It can be interpreted that the nouns suffixed with aaka are
capable of being converted as adverbs by the idiosyncratic meaning they
may attain in course of time. So it is economical for us to consider aaka
as an adverbializer which has the potentiality to convert a noun into adverb
and incorporate the following as WFR rule to complement a lexicon or
dictionary.
N + aaka >
[N-aaka]Adv
The formation of adverbs by above
mentioned WFR appears to be a productive process. In you go through the
statistics of the aaka suffixed adverbs found in KTTA, it be revealed
that aaka suffixed simple adverbs are more in number than aaka
suffixed compound adverbs. The rhyme motivated aaka suffixed compound
verbs comes next in number of formation. Next comes the rhyme motivated aaka
suffixed reduplicated compounds. It appears that the formation of rhyme motivated
compounds is a productive formation as many forms which are not listed in KTTA
are found in usage. The formation of nonce adverbs by adding aaka
after N + N compounds and Adj + noun compounds are also found in usage. The
overall picture make us to conclude that the formation of adverbs by addition
of aaka followed by lexicalization is a productive process.
Kothandaraman
(1973:94-100) considers aaka as a case marker. He points out the
following points to establish his idea.
1. aaka
is synonymous with the case suffix ooTu 'with'.
Ex.
avar enniTam
anpaakap pazhakinaar
'he behaved with me
well'
avar enniTam anpooTu
pazhakinaar
'he behaved with me
well'
2. Similar to
the locative case marker il, aaka establishes a state.
Ex.
vaLavan viiTTil
irundtaan
'Valavan was in the
house'
vaLavan aracanaaka
irukkiRaan
'Valvan is a king'
vaLavan koopamaaka
irukkiRaan
'Valavan is angry'
vaLavan anpaakp
pazhakukiRaan
'Valavan is behaving
with kindness'
3. As the a case
marked noun occurs as head of an NP, aaka suffixed noun also occur as a head of
an NP.
Even then, it appears that a set
of aaka suffixed nouns can be considered as adverb as the are listed in
a dictionary as adverbs.
2.2.1.2. Adverbs from
forms suffixed with enRu
enRu
(`having said') is a ceytu-type of non-finite form of the verb en
`say' which is lexicalized as an adverbial suffix. enRu form advers when
suffixed with words symbolizing sound or feeling. The following are the
different types of formation:
1.
Simple sound/feeling symblizer + aaka
akkaTaa + enRu
> akkaTavenRu 'leisurely'
kup + enRu >
kuppenRu 'gushingly'
catak + enRu >
catakkenRu 'forcefully'
veRic + enRu >
veRiccenRu 'wearing a desolate look'
2.
Reduplicated onomatopoeic word + aaka
2.1. Reduplicated
morpheme + aaka
2.1.1. Full
reduplicated morpheme + aaka
kaTa + kaTa + enRu
> kaTakaTavenRu 'fast'
paLic+ paLic + enRu
> paLic paLiccenRu 'in bright flashes'
toLa + toLa + enRu
> toLa toLavenRu 'losely'
ndeTu + ndeTu + enRu
> ndeTundeTuvenRu 'very tall'
2.1.2.Partical
reduplicated morpheme + aaka
kaca + muca + enRu
> kacamucavenRu '
kannaa + pinnaa +
enRu > kannaapinnaavenRu 'without order'
tattu + pittu + enRu
> tattupittenRu 'babblingly'
taaTTu + puuTTu +
enRu > taaTTupuuTTenRu ' blustering out'
3.Reduplicated
word + enRu
3.1. Partial
reduplicated word + enRu
acaTTu
'foolishness' + picaTTu + enRu > acaTTupicaTTenRu 'foolishly'
enoo 'why'+
taanoo + enRu > eenoo > taanoovenRu 'half heartedly'
kuyyoo +
muRaiyoo 'proper_interrogation' + enRu > kuyoomuRaiyoovenRu 'complaining
loudly'
kannam 'dark' +
kareel + enRu > kannangkreelenRu 'in a jet black manner'
cekka 'red' +
ceveel + enRu > cekkacceveelenRu 'ruddy'
enRu the past participial
form of the verb en 'say' has various functions. This function as a complementizer
embedding a sentence as shown in the following examples.
kaNNan tanakkut
tapaal vandatu enRu connaan
'Kannan said
that a letter was delivered to him'
kaNNan ndallavan
enRu ndinaitteen
'I though that
Kannan was a good person'
enRu also function as a
complementizer of a direct speech.
kaNNan "ndaan
ndaaLai kalluurikku varamaaTTeen," enRu kuuRinaan.
'Kannan said,"I
will not come to college tomorrow."
The function of enRu as a
complementizer of a direct speech is extended to the level of embedding sound
symbolizers. Many such symbolizers get adverbilaized by enRu and find
their place in the dictionary. enRu thus comes to function as an
adverbializer.
The sound/feeling
symbolizers can be classified as follows:
1.Speed
kapakapa, kupuku, cuRucuRu,
tiTutiTu, timutimu, pakapaka, parapara, maLamaLa
2.Wetness
kacakaca,
kuzhakuzha, koLakoLa, cotacota, ndacandaca, picupicu, potupotu, pottupottu.
3.Sound
karakara,
kapakapa, kaTakaTa, kalakala, kicukicu, kilukilu, kucukucu, caracara, caLacaLa,
ndaRandaRa, paTapaTa, muNumuNu
4.
Flowing without stop
kaTakaTa,
caracara, taratara, maTamaTa
5.Shivering
kiTukiTu,
veTaveTa
5.
Anger
ciTuciTu, puspus
6.
Touch
cilucilu,
kiLukiLu, kuzhukuzhu, parapara
7.
Hardness
coracora,
poruporu, moTamoTa, kaTukaTu
These enRu suffixed adverbs
can be classified according to the verbs to which they are collocated.
Ex.
kalakalavenRu ciri
'laugh heartily'
kaTakaTavenRu
ciri 'laugh without break'
paTapaTavenRu
peecu 'speak excitedly'
kucukucuvenRu
peecu 'speak with whispering voice'
kicukicuvenRu
peecu 'speak with whispering voice'
kaTakaTavenRu
peecu 'speak speadily'
vaLavaLavenRu
peecu 'speak pointlessly'
tarataravenRu
izhu 'drag forcibly along the ground'
veTaveTavenRu
ndaTunku 'shiver markedly'
It should be noted most of the
sound symbolizers themselves function as verbs (ex. kalakala 'produce
rattling sound', 'kiTukiTu 'shake; tremble'). So the adverbs gets the
meaning of the verbs which form the base for suffixing enRu.
There are many nonce
formations which are not listed in KTTA found in Tamil texts. So it can
interpreted that enRu is a productive adverbalizer adhering to the
following WFR.
Sound/feeling
symbolizer + enRu > [Sound symbolizer-enRu]Adv
2.2.1.3. Adverbs from
forms suffixed with ena
ena (`to
say') is a ceyya-type of non-finite form of the verb en `say'
which is lexicalized as an adverbial suffix.
veL + ena >
veLLena `clearly'
Only a few adverbs of this type
is found in KTTA. In many cases enRu can be replace by ena. So ena
can also be considered as a productive adverbailizer forming adverbs adhering
to the following WFR.
Sound/feeling
symbolizer + ena > [Sound/emotion symbolizer-ena]Adv
2.2.2. Forms with non-finite
form as post-position
The
postpositions, pool and poola which are non-finite forms of the
verb pool `become' combine with a set of ceytaal-type of verb
forms forming adverbs.
1.
ceytaal type of verbal participial form + poola
aTuttaal 'if
come near' + poola > aTutttaaRpoola 'next; adjacent to'
etirttaal `if
opposed' + poola > etirttaRpoola `opposite'
2. Noun + ceytaal
type of verbal participial form + poola
ndaRukku
`cutting' + teRittaal `if flown away' + poola > ndaRukkutteRittaaRpoola
`cut-shortly'
3.ceytu
type of verbal participial form + ceytaal type of verbal participial
form + poola
colli 'having
said' + vaittal 'if kept' + poola > collivaittaaRpoola 'as if agreed upoun'
The particles pool and poola
are derived from the verb pool 'be similar'. pool is the root
form and poola is the ceyya type of form of pool. They can
come as post positions after nouns (ordinary as well as atu-suffixed verbal
nouns) to denote similarity.
umaa kalaavaip
pool/poola azhakaanavaL
'Uma is
beautiful like Kala'
kaNNan
varaindtau poola raajaavum varaindtaan
'Raja draw
similr to Kannan'
pool/poola like enRu
and aaku, functions as complementizer too.
kaNNan ndallavan
pool/poola tonRukiRatu
'It looks as if
Kannan is a good person'
mazhai varum
pool/poola teirikiRatu
'It appears as if it
is going to rain'
pool/poola can complement
a conditional clause with past participial (ex. connaal 'if said') and
present participial (colkiRaal 'if say') forms. The conditional form
complemented by pool/poola can come can be subordinated by verbs
such as teri 'appear', toonRu 'appear'. They can give adverbial
meaning of manner or comparison.
mazhai varukiRaaR
poolat terikiRatu/tonRukiRatu
'It appears as if it
is going to rain'
ndaan colkiRaaR
poolac cey 'Do what I say'
ndaan connaaR poolac
cey 'Do what I said'
keTTa kanavu
kaaNkiRaaR poolac kaNNan ndaTungkinaan
'Kannan shivered as
if he has seen a bad dream'
The conditional forms
aTuttaal, etirttaal, ceerndtaal and toTarndaal with
poola get lexicalized and listed in KTTA. There are similar types of
forms which are not listed in KTTA are in use.
kaNNan aTittaaR
poolat tuungkukiRaan
'Kannan is sleeping
deeply'
kaNNan kuTittaaR
poolap peecukiRaan
'Kannan is talking
incoherently'
kaNNan maTai
tiRandtaaR poola paaTalai oppittaan
'Kannan recited the
poem fluently'
umaa viTindtaaR poola
varuvaaL
'Uma come early in
the morning'
In the above sentences aTittaal
literally means 'as if beaten'; kuTittaal literally means 'as if drunk; maTai
tiRandaal 'if the channel is opened'; viTindaal 'if it dawns'. In
all these sentence a comparative construction introduced by the comparative
element pool/poola express an adverbial meaning. Though an amount of
transparency is there with regard to these constructions, it likely that in
course of time this transparency will be lost and they may get lexicalized to
find their place in a dictionary. In that case the comparative element poola
can be considered as a productive adverbilaizer and the following WFR can be
considered as a productive rule of adverbial formation. It is not clear how
for this can be considered as a word formation rather than a phrase formation.
The temptation to take the poola suffixed construction as a single unit is
instigated by the fact that the resultant meaning is unanalysable.
aal suffixed
conditional form of a verb + poola > [aal suffixed conditional form of a
verb-poola]Adv
With certain nouns poola
gives a kind of adverbial meaning.
avan tan viruppam
poolac caappiTTan
'He ate well'
avan tan viruppam
poola varuvaan
'He will come as he
decides'
avan caayangkaalam
poola varuvaan
'He will come around
evening'
viruppam
poola (<viruppam 'desire' + poola) literally means 'as
per ones desire'.
2.2.3 Adverbs form non-finite
verbal forms
There are 5 types
of non-finite verbal forms which are lexicalized as adverbs and find their
place in the dictionary under analysis.
1.
Adverbs form ceyya type of non-finite verbal forms
2.
Adverbs form ceytu type of non-finite verbal forms
3.
Adverbs from ceyaamal type of non-finite verbal forms
4.
Adverbs from ceyaatu type of non-finite verbal forms
5.
Adverbs from ceytaal type of non-finite verbal forms
2.2.3.1. Adverbs from ceyya-type
of non-finite verbal forms
Many ceyya-type
of non-finite verbal forms are lexiclaized to be listed as adverbs in KTTA.
Both simple and compound adverbs of this type are found.
1.
Simple ceyya type of adverbials
akal 'leave' + a
> akala 'wide'
eTTu 'reach' + a
> eTTa 'away'
kiTTu 'get' + a >
kiTTa 'near'
ndiRai 'fill' +
a > niRaiya `fully'
2.Compound
adverbs
2.1.Partial
reduplicated compounds
para + (para 'be
spread' + a>) parakka > parapara 'be in hurry'
2.2.Full
reduplication
(koTTu 'bat eye
lid' + a >) koTTa + koTTa > koTTakoTTa 'wide awake'
(ciRu 'become
small' + a>) ciRuka + ciRuka > ciRukaciRuka '
(poo 'go' + a
>) pooka + pooka > pookapooka 'as times goes by'
(vaa 'come' +
a>) vara + vara > varavara 'as times goes by'
2.3.Rhyme
motivated compounds
arakka + parakka
> arakka parakka 'in haste'
aaRa 'to cool
down' + amara 'to sit' > aaRaamara 'leisurely'
teLLa + teLiya
'to clear' > teLLat teLiya 'very clearly'
viyarkka 'to
sweat' + viRuviRukka > viryarkka viRuviRukka 'in extreme hurry'
2.4.ceytu type
of non-finite form + ceyya type of infintive form
cuRRi 'having
rotated' + vara 'to come' > cuRRivara 'around'
2.5.N + ceyya
type of non-finite form
kaN 'eye' + aara 'to satisfy' > kaNaara 'with one's own eyes'
tiRam
'capability' + paTa 'to suffer' > tiRampaTa 'effectively'
2.6. Adj + ceyya
type of non-finite form
oru 'one' +
ceera 'to join' > oruceera 'jointly'
pala 'many' +
paTa 'to sffer' > palapaTa 'in a variety of ways'
The ceyya type of
non-finite forms of a verb always function as an adverb before a finite verb.
This adverbial function can be distinguished into the following categories:
1.
Aim
kaNNan ennaaip
paarka vandtaan 'Kannan came to see me'
2.
Reason
kaNNan kallaal
aTikka paanai uTaindtau
'As Kannan hit
the pot with a stone, it broke'
3.
Time
KaNNan tuungka
raajaa paTittaan
While Kannan was
sleeping, Raja was studying'
4.
Result
kaiyilirundtu
rattam vara kaNNan raajaavai aTittaan
'Kannan beat
Raja till blood came from the hand'
The function of ceyy-type
of verb forms as adverb is quite usual. But KTTA has listed a number of these
forms adverbs as they are lexicalized due to their acquired idiosyncratic
meaning. The compound forms of this type of adverbs exceed in number from the
simple adverbs. The compounds of N + ceyya type of verbal forms exceeds
the other compound forms. It is possible to consider the lexicalization of ceyya
type of nonfinite forms of verbs into adverbs appears to be a productive
process. Any ceyya type of nonfinite form can find their place in the
lexicon as adverbs when they acquire some idiosyncratic sense. Compound
adverbial formation due to reduplication and rhyme motivation appears to be a
productive process as a number of nonce formations can be seen in the language
use.
avan vara vara
celavazhittaan 'He spends as money starts comming'
avan iraikka iraikka
ooTivandtaan 'He came breathing heavily'
avan cezhikka
cezhikka caappiTTaan 'He ate lavishly'
The lexicalization of N+ ceyya
type of verbal forms into adverbs too appears to be productive. Certain ceyya
type of verbal forms are productive used for the formation of adverbs. For
example paTa and aaRa appears to be productive adverbializers forming adverbs
with a certain set nouns.
N + paTa
veLi + paTa >
veLippaTa 'plainly'
kaatu + paTa >
kaatu paTa 'with one's own ears'
arttam + paTa >
arttam paTa 'meaingfully'
N + aara
kaal + aarra >
kaalaara 'with one' own legs'
kaN + aara >
kaNaara 'with one's own eyes'
manatu 'mind' + aara
> manataara 'whole heatedly'
2.2.3.2. Adverbs from ceytu-type
of non-finite verbal forms
A number of ceytu-type
of nonfinite verbal forms are lexicalized to get entered in KTTA as adverbs.
1. Simple ceytu
type of nonfinite verbal forms
ayarndtu `deeply',
kuurndtu `carefully', ndookki ' toward; paRRi 'about'
2.
Compounds
2.1.N + ceytu
type of nonfinite verbal forms
aTi 'foot' +
oRRi 'having touched' > aTiyoRRi 'following the foot steps of'
captam 'noise' +
pooTTu 'having put' > captampooTTu 'loudly'
manam 'mind' +
tiRandtu 'having opened' > manam tiRandtu 'open heatedly'
mun 'front' +
ndookki 'having seen' > munnookki 'thrusting forward'
2.2.N +
accucative case + ceytu type of nonfinite verbal forms
kai 'hand' +(
ai) + viTTu 'having left' > kaiyaiviTTu 'from one' own pocket'
2.3.N + N
ciram 'head' +
meel 'above' + koNTu 'having held'> cirameeRkoNTu 'with utmost respect'
2.4. Adj + N+
+ ceytu type of nonfinite verbal forms
oru 'one' +
manam 'mind' + paTTu 'having experienced' > orumanappaTTu 'unanimously'
2.5. ceytu
type of form + ceytu type of form ( Reduplicated compound)
paTittu 'having
studied' + paTittu 'having studied' > paTittu paTittu 'over and over again'
maaRi 'having
changed' + maaRi 'having changed' > maaRimaaRi 'alternately'
vikki 'having
hiccuped' + vikki 'having hiccuped' > vikkivikki 'with hiccup-like sobs'
vizhundu 'having
fallen' + vizhundtu 'having fallen > vizhundu vizundtu ' to an excess'
2.5. ceytu
type of form + ceytu type of form (Rhyme motivated compounds)
aTittu 'having
beaten' + piTittu 'having caught > aTittuppiTittu 'struggling hard'
tappi 'having
slipped' + tavRi 'having committed mistake' > tappittavaRi 'by accident or
chance'
2.6. ceytu
type of form + ceytu type of form
kaTTi 'having
tied' + koNTu 'having held' > kaTTikkoNTu 'clinging to'
kuuTTi 'having
joined' + koNTu 'having held' > kuuTTikkoNTu 'together with'
piyttu 'having
torn' + koNTu 'having held' > piyttukkoNTu 'with full force'
2.7. N +
(accusative case) + ceytu type of form + ceytu type of form
kaNNai + muuTi 'having
closed' + koNTu 'having held' > kaNNaimuuTikkoNTu 'blindly'
kai 'hand' +
kaTTi +having folded' + koNTu 'having held' > kaikaTTikkoNTu 'doing
nothing'
2.8. ceytu
type of form + ceytu type of form + ceytu type of form
alaRi 'having
made noise' + puTaittu 'having bulged out' + koNTu 'having held' >
alaRippuTaittukkoNTu 'agitatedly'
pataRi 'having +
aTittu 'having beaten' + koNTu 'having held' > paTaRi aTittukkoNTu 'in
disorderly haste'
vaari 'having
scooped' + curuTTi 'having rolled' + koNTu 'having held' >
vaariccuruTTikkoNTu 'in haste'
vizhundtu
'having fallen + aTittu 'having beaten' + koNTu 'having held' >
vizhundtaTittukkoNTu 'in great hurry'
The non-finite form occurring
before a verb can be distinguished into two: affirmative and negative forms. The
morphological structure of non-finite form of ceytu type of from is Verb + Past
+ participle suffix.
The past
participle suffix is taken together as a single suffix, verbal participle
suffix, as the past tense meaning is not carried by the past tense suffix
before participle suffix u or 0. The tense is conveyed by the
main verb in finite form. The participle suffix does not show explicitly the
relation between the ceytu type of non-finite form and the finite verb. The
meaning can be interpreted as per the context. Three kinds of situation can be
noted:
1.
Coordinating complementizer
kaNNan ingkee
vandtu ennaik kuuppiTTaan
'Kannan having
come here called me'
2. Verbal
participle form
2.1. Adverb of
time/reason
aindtu ndaaTkaL
kazhindtu kaNNan ingku vandtaan
'Kannan came
here after ten days'
kaNNan ingku
vandtu muunRu aaNTukaL aakinRana
'Three years
have passed after Kannan visted here'
mazhai peytu
payirkaL ndanRaaka vaLarndtatu
'The crops grew
well as it rained'
2.2. Adverb of
manner
kaNNan tan paNattaik
kuTittup paazhaakkukiRaan
'Kannan is
wasting his money by drinking'
3.
Verbal complementizer
kaNNan indtap
puttakattaip paTittu ippootu muTittaan
'Kannan
completed reading this book now'
At least two types of
interpretations are possible regarding the past participle forms of verbs:
1. The ceytu
type of forms are nothing but adverbs as they function always as adverbs and
so the formation of ceytu type of form is a derivation and not an
inflection. That is, the verbal participle suffix u ~ 0 is an adverbializer
2. The ceytu
type of forms are inflected forms of verbs. That is, the verbal participle
suffix u ~ 0 is an inflectional suffix
Arguments can be had in support
of both these stands. Anyhow, KTTA has listed a considerable number of ceytu
type of forms as adverbs as they acquired idiosyncratic adverbial meanings.
As there is always a possibility of the ceytu type of forms to acquire
idiosyncratic adverbial meanings, it can be interpreted that the ceytu
type of forms are rich resource for the formation of adverbs.
meel 'above' +
ndookki 'having seen' > meelndokki 'aiming above'
kiizh 'below' +
ndookki 'having seen' > kiizhndookki 'aiming down'
The formation of adverbs by
reduplication of ceytu type of forms appears to be productive as nonce
forms can be found elsehwere.
kuzhaindu
'having fawned on' + kuzhaindtu 'having fawned on' > kuzhaindtu kuzhaindtu
'obediently'
vaLaindu 'having
bent' + vaLaindtu 'having bent' > vaLaindtu vaLaindtu 'with bends'
Among the formation of adverbs by
compounding of ceytu type of forms, formation of adverbs by adding koNTu
to the ceytu type of forms appears to be a productive formation.
kaNNai 'eye_ACC'
+ aTaittu 'having closed + koNTu 'having held' > kaNNaTaittuk koNTu
'blindly'
vaayai
'mouth_ACC + potti 'having closed' + koNTu > vaayaip pottikkoNTu 'calmly'
2.2.3.3. Adverbs form ceyyaamal-type
of non-finite verbal forms
The ceyyaamal type of non-finite forms of a verb has the
following morphological structure:
Verb
+ Negative suffix + Verbal participle suffix
cey + aa + mal
Both simple and compound ceyaamal
type of non-finite forms are listed in KTTA as adverbs.
1.
Simple ceyyaamal type of forms as adverbs
aRi 'know' + aaml
> aRiyaamal `unknowingly'
ooy 'cease' +
aamal> oyaamal 'continuously'
tavaRu 'miss' +
aamal > tavaRaamal 'without fail'
peecu 'speak' +
aamal > peecaamal 'with any deliberation'
2.
Compounds
2.1. N + ceyaamal
type of form
iTai 'middle
part' + aRu 'cut' + aamal > iTaiyaRaamal 'continously'
iTai 'middle
part' + viTu 'leave' + aamal > iTaiviTaamal 'continuously'
iNai 'couple' +
piri 'separate' + aamal > iNaipiriyaamal ' inseparable'
oocai 'sound' +
paTu 'experience' + aamal > oocaipaTaamal 'without making a noise'
2.1. N + N + ceyaamal
type of form
kaN 'eye' + maN
'earth' + teri 'be visible' + aamal > kaNmaN teriyaamal 'riclessly'
mun 'front' +
pin 'back' + yooci 'think' + aamal > munpin yoocikkaamal 'thoughtlessly'
2.2. ceyta
type of verbal form + N + ceyaamal type of verbal form vaitta 'that
which is put' + kaN 'eye' + vaangk 'get' + aamal > vaitta kaN vaangkaamal
' gazing fixedly at'
2.3. ceytu
type of verbal form + um + ceyaamal type of verbal form
kaNTu 'having
seen' + um + kaaN 'see' + mal > kaNTum kaaNaamal 'turning a blind eye'
2.4. ceyaamal
type of verbal form + ceyaamal type of verbal form
ooy 'cease' +
aamal + ozhi 'cease' > ooyaamal ozhiyaamal 'always'
We have noted elsewhere that
the nonfinite forms before a finite verb can be distinguished into three:1.
ceyya type of non-finite form
2.
ceytu type of non-finite form
3.
ceyyaamal / ceyyaatu type of non-finite form
The ceytu type of
non-finite form denotes affirmation and ceyyaamal type of non-finite
form denotes negation. There exists a few semantic relation between ceyyaamal
type of non-finite forms finite verbal forms. They are listed below:
1.
Coordination
kaNNan ennaip
parkkaamal viTTukkup poonaan
'Kannan wen home
without seeing me'
2.
Simultanity
kaNNan oru
vaarttaiyum collaamal angkee ninRaan
'Kannan stood
without uttering a word'
3.
Reason
mazhai ndiiNTa
ndaaL peyyaamal payir vaaTippooyiRRu
'As it did not
rain for a long time, the crops dried'
4.
Purpose
kaNNan
kuzhndataiyai azhaamal paarttukkoNTaan
'Kannan looked
after the child so that it did not cry'
As in the case of ceytu
type of non-finite forms, ceyyaamal type of non-finite forms can also be
seen either as a derivation or inflection. That is aamal can be
considered as an inflectional suffix leading to the formation of negative
verbal participle form or as an adverbializer leading to the formation of
adverbs. KTTA has listed a number of ceyyaamal type of non-finite forms as
adverbs due to their acquired idiosyncratic meaning. So, we can consider ceyyaamal
type of non-finite forms as a rice source for the formation of adverbs as these
forms are capable of acquiring idiosyncratic meaning.
2.2.3.4. Adverbs form ceyyaatu-type
non-finte verbal forms
ceyyaatu type of
non-finite forms are having the following morphological structure;
Verb + negative
suffix + verbal participle suffix
cey + aat+ u
KTTA has listed only the
following ceyyaatu type of forms as adverbs.
ooy 'cease' +
aatu + ozhi 'cease' + aatu > ooyaatu ozhiyaatu 'without stop'
aamal and aatu are
synonymous suffixes but the second one is used only in the higher variety.
aRiyaamal ~ aRiyaatu
'unknowingly'
tavaRaamal ~
tavaRaatu 'without fail'
2.2.3.5. Adverbs form ceytaal-type
of non-finite forms
The ceytaal
type of non-finite form has the following morphological structure:
Verb + past tense
suffix + conditional suffix
cey + t + aal
The past tense suffix loses its
tense denoting function when it occurs before the conditional suffix aal.
KTTA has listed only a few
conditional forms as adverbs.
1. Simple forms
en 'say' + R + aal
> enRaal (used as a conditional form)
2.Compound forms
2.1.N + ceytaal
type of non-finite form
muNuk (an
onomatopoeic word) + enRaal > muNukkenRaal 'at the slightest provocation'
2.2.ceyya type of
non-finite form + ceytaal type of non-finite form
curungka 'to shorten'
+ connaal 'if said' > curungkacconnaal 'in brief'
colla 'to say' +
poonaal 'if went' > collappoonaal 'in fact'
2.3.ceytu type of
non-finite form + ceyaamal type of non-finite form
minci 'having
remained' + poonaal 'if went' > mincippoonaal `if exeeded'
The clause with ceytaal
type of verbal form is in conditional relation with the verb in finite clause.
kaNNan vandtaal
raatai varuvaaL
'Radhai will come, if
Kannan comes'
The ceytaal type of
conditional forms are also lexicalized as adverbs as they have acquired
idiosyncratic meanings. ceytaal type of conditional forms also can form a
source for the formation of adverbs; but KTTA has listed only five such forms
as adverbs. So, it appears that the possibility of ceytaal type of form
getting lexicalized as adverbs is very less.
3. Conclusion
The data taken form
KTTA depicts how nouns and verbs and their inflected forms come to be
lexicalized as adverbs. The following table gives the number of forms listed in
KTTA under each type of formations:
|
Type of formation
|
Number of forms
|
1
|
a/i/e-prefixed adverbial
forms
|
27
|
2
|
oru-prefixed adverbial
forms
|
5
|
3
|
ee-suffixed adverbial
forms
|
25
|
4
|
um-suffixed adverbial
forms
|
22
|
5
|
varai-suffixed adverbial
forms
|
3
|
6
|
ellaam-suffixed
adverbial forms
|
2
|
7
|
meel-suffixed adverbial
forms
|
2
|
8
|
reduplicated adverbial forms
|
8
|
9
|
ukku-suffixed adverbial forms
|
27
|
10
|
ooTu-suffixed adverbial
forms
|
7
|
11
|
uTan-suffixed adverbial
forms
|
2
|
12
|
il-suffixed adverbial
forms
|
45
|
13
|
aal-suffixed adverbial
forms
|
3
|
14
|
aaka-suffixed adverbial
forms
|
150+
|
15
|
enRu-suffixed adverbial
forms
|
107
|
16
|
ena-suffixed adverbial
forms
|
1
|
17
|
poola-suffixed adverbial
forms
|
6
|
18
|
ceyya-type of non-finite
adverbial forms
|
77
|
19
|
ceytu-type of non-finite
adverbial forms
|
87
|
20
|
ceyyaamal-type of
non-finite adverbial forms
|
19
|
21
|
ceyaatu-type of
non-finite adverbial forms
|
1
|
22
|
ceytaal-type of
non-finite adverbial forms
|
5
|
The prefixes like a/i/e and oru
and the suffixes like ee, um, varai, ellaam, and
meel cannot be taken as adverbial formative affixes. The case-suffixed
forms as well as the non- finite forms (which can occur before verbs)
could be potential resource from which adverbs can be pumped in by lexicalization
at the meaning level.
REFERENCES
Aronoff, M. 1976. Word formation in generative grammar, Linguistic
Inquiry Monograph I, Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.
--------------1984. Morphology by itself stems and inflectional classes.
Cambridge: The MIT Press.
Asher,
R.E. 1982. Tamil, Lingua descriptive studies. Amsterdam: Northholland
publishing house.
Bauer,
L. 1978a. On lexicalization, Archivum Linguisticum 9:3-14.
-----.
1978b. Productivity in word-formation. In Gregerson, K (ed.).1978. Papers from
the Fourth Scandinavian Conference of Linguistics, Odense University Studies in
Linguistics 3. Odense: Odense University Press.
-----.
1983. English Word-formation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
-----.
1988. Introducing Linguistic Morphology. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Beard,
R. 1988. On the separation of derivation from morphology: Towards a
lexeme/morpheme-based morphology. Quaderni di Semantica 9, pp. 3-59.
caktiveel, cu., iraajeendtiran, ca. 1995. coRkaL:
vaazhvum vralaaRum. cennai: maNivaacakam piriNTars.
Cre-A.
1992. kiriyavin tarkalat tamir akarati. Madras.
cuppaiyaa,
koo. 1982. kuuTTavinaikal-ooraayvu. moliyiyal, 6.1:81-89.
------------------.
1983. vinaiyatippeyarkal, moliyiyal, 7.1 & 2:95-111.
------------------.
1984. kuuTTuppeyar, moliyiyal, 7.1. & 2: 187-191.
Di
Sciullo, A.M. and Williams, E. 1987. On the definition of word. Cambridge, MA: MIT press.
Halle, M. 1973. Prolegomena to a theory of word-formation. Linguistic Inquiry 4:3-16.
iraaceendtiran,
ca. 1989. tamizhil collaakkam. mozhiyiyal 13:1-4, 14:1-4, 163-192.
-----------------2000.
“peyaraTaiyaakkam.” In: ec. cittiraputtiran, iraaparT cattiya
coocap & maa. paarvati (eds.). ndaanjil. tanjcaavuur:
ndiyuu vican veLiyiiTu, 66-97.
karuNaakaran,
ki. & jeyaa, vi. 1986. tamilil putuccollaakam. mozhiyiyal
8. 3 & 4:91-116.
-----------------
2001. taRkaalat tamizhc coRkaLanjiyam, Thanjavur: Tamil University.
------------------2004.
tamizhil collakkam. Thanjavur: Tamil University.
kiriyaavin
taRkaalat tamizh akaraati. 1992. Madras: Kria publication.
kootaNTaraaman,
pon. 1989. col vakai allatu ilakkaNakkuuRukaL. tamizh ilakkaNak
karuttarangku. Thanjavur: Department of Linguistics.
Lehmann,
Thomas. 1989. A Grammar of Modern Tamil. Pondicherry: Pondicherry Institute of
Linguistics and Culture.
Pustejovsky, J. 1996. The Generative Lexicon. Cambridge: The MIT Press.
Quirk,
R., Greenbaum, S., Leech G. and Svartvik, J. 1976. A Grammar of Contemporary
English. London: Longman.
Rajendran,
S. 1983. Semantics of Tamil Vocabulary. (UGC sponsored Postdoctoral Research
Work in manuscript). Poona: Deccan College Post Graduate and Research
Institute.
-----.2000. “Types of Word Formation in Tamil”. In: Asher,
R.E. and Harris, R. (eds). Linguisticoliterary, 323-343. Delhi: Pilgrims Books
Pvt. Ltd.
-------. 2001. Word formation in Tamil. (UGC sponsored Major Project
Report in manuscript). Thanjavur: Tamil University.
--------. 2003. “Strategies in the Formation of Adjectives in Tamil.”
Language in India 3:5, www.langugeinindia.com
reeNukaateevi, vii. 1987. “tamizhil vinaiyaTaikaL.”
mozhiyial 10.1-4: 94-108.
CLICK HERE FOR PRINTER-FRIENDLY VERSION.
LITERARY TRANSLATION - ART OR SCIENCE? A Renowned Literary Translator Discusses His View | THE INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON MALAYALAM LANGUAGE | A REVIEW OF LEARNING ENGLISH TEXTBOOK II FOR CLASS II Discussing the Problems of Presentation | LANGUAGE POLICY IN THE MOTILAL NEHRU COMMITTEE REPORT, 1928 - THE SEEDS OF THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION | MISSING LINKS - FROM RESEARCH TO DEVELOPMENT | ADVERB FORMATION IN TAMIL | LINGUISTIC HUMAN RIGHTS IN TRIBAL EDUCATION IN ORISSA | THE ECONOMY OF ARTICULATION IN MEWATI PHONOLOGY | HOME PAGE | CONTACT
EDITOR
S. Rajendran, Ph.D.
Department of Linguistics
Tamil University
Thanjavur 613 005
Tamilnadu, India
raj_ushush@yahoo.com.
|